Spithead Mutiny — Original News Reports#
A couple of days after Easter, 1797, news reports started appearing with unsettling news from Portsmouth: men aboard several of His Majesty’s ships moored at Spithead, the naval anchorage at the eastern end of the Solent, were in a state of mutiny.
A Very Alarming Account, April 1797
In Kentish Weekly Post or Canterbury Journal, Tuesday 18 April 1797.
Our Portsmouth correspondent has transmitted to us a very alarming account of a mutiny board every ship at Spithead. The cause of this mutiny is stated to be a demand for an encrease of wages, and it is even said, that the crews of the ships of Lord Bridport’s fleet, though his Lordship is on board, and under failing orders, have refused to weigh anchor until their demands are complied with.— Courier.
A delegation was sent down to Portsmouth from the Admiralty in London, although the first reports lacked detail about what it had achieved.
An Admiralty Delegation Arrives From London, April 1797
In Staffordshire Advertiser, Saturday 22 April 1797.
Thursday’s Mail.
LONDON,
WEDNESDAY, April 19.
…
We learn from Portsmouth that Rear-Admiral Pole, who arrived there on Monday from London, carried no answer whatever to the remonstrances of the seamen of the fleet.
Yesterday, between eleven and twelve o’Clock Earl Spencer, with three other Lords of the Admiralty, arrived at Mr. Fielding’s, the Fountain Inn, Portsmouth, where a Board was held, which broke up three o’Clock.
Admirals Lord Bridport, Gardner, Colpoys, and Pole, were present at the above Board, but their determination is hitherto an impenetrable secret.
The seamen, at the date of our letters, seven o’Clock last night, still retained the command of the fleet. The Board of Admiralty was at that moment at dinner with Sir Peter Parker.
The mutiny is, without exception, general, insomuch so, that on Monday the sick and convalescents in Haslar Hospital displayed flags, composed of Handkerchiefs tacked together, with three cheers, which were returned by every ship of war at Spithead.
That said, the early indications were that the mutineers were reasonably pleased with what the delegation had had to say, although not going far enough for them to call off the mutiny.
It was also clear that whilst the sailors would not set sail under general orders, if the situation demanded it, such as an imminent threat from the French naval ships, the fleet would sail in defence of the realm.
Some further advices, April 1797
In Kentish Weekly Post or Canterbury Journal, Friday 21 April 1797.
…
Some further advices were on Wednesday received at the Admiralty from Earl Spencer at Portsmouth, the contents of which have not transpired, and very few private letters have, for the last two days, reached town from that place. Such as came to hand on Wednesday agree in stating, that notwithstanding the seamen on board the fleet have expressed themselves satisfied with the liberal promises made to them, in the name of the Admiralty Board, by Lord Spencer, they continue determined not to proceed to sea until their demands for an advance of wages and a more equal distribution of prize money, shall be fully compelled with, and sanctioned by Parliament, except they shall in the mean time, be assured of sailing of the French fleet’s in which case they are determined to prove that their King, and love for their country, were never greater than they are at the present moment.
On the arrival of Lord Spencer at Portsmouth, he immediately held a board in Admiral Parker’s ship. He then went on board the Royal George, Lord Bridport’s ship, and, after expostulating with the sailors on the dangerous consequences that might result from heir determination, informed them that their demands had been taken into consideration and should be complied with as soon as the necessary forms would permit, provided they conducted themselves in a manner becoming the character of British seamen. The sailors, as we have already stated, expressed themselves satisfied with his Lordship’s declarations; but at the same time hoped that all the differences would be adjusted before they were ordered to put to sea. It is with infinite concern we find that they have since been guilty of several acts of outrage on board the fleet, such as threatening to throw one of the Admirals (Gardner) overboard, for having upbraided them with sluggishly remaining in port while the enemy’s fleet were on the eve of putting to sea— hanging up one of the crew who attempted to reason with them upon the impropriety of offering any violence to the gallant Admiral— flogging and ducking several others for disobedience of orders— taking possession of the cabins of the different Commanders—and entering into a resolution that no seamen should for the future be punished, unless found guilty of an offence by a Jury of twelve of his companions. These distressing circumstances are related in most of the letters received on Wednesday from Portsmouth. It is a painful part of our duty to state them: we fear, alas! they are not entirely unfounded.
The following are copies of letters received by that day’s post:
Portsmouth, April 18.
“The seamen not only demand a rise of pay, but a more equal distribution of prize money, and to be regularly paid to them. They unanimously express their determination to face the French, if they attempt an invasion, like Britons. They have a ship, which is the Queen Charlotte, on board which every thing is regulated; they call her the Parliament ship, and four seamen from every ship go on board in the morning, to consult what measures to pursue, and solemnly take an oath, administered to them with the greatest decorum, that they will not go to sea, unless their demands are complied with, except the enemy are at sea, and a convoy wanted; and, if their demands are not promised, they will convey the ships into Portsmouth harbour on Saturday morning. They have possession of the magazines and small arms; obey no officers, but shew them every respect.—The four men from each respective ship return on board their ships night, and give three cheers to the Queen Charlotte, which is returned by her. The sick seamen at Haslar cheer the ships at Spithead, which they return. —Lord Spencer is arrived, endeavouring to appease them.— Lord Bridport’s flag is flying at Spithead.
ANOTHER LETTER, SAME DATE.
“The seamen still retain the command of the fleet. The Board of Admiralty, at this moment, (seven o’clock in the evening) are at dinner with Sir Peter Parker. The mutiny is general all over the fleet. On Monday the sick and convalescents in Hasler hospital displayed flags, composed of handkerchiefs tacked to gether, with three cheers, which were returned by every ship of war at Spithead.”
As the week progressed, more details started to appear about what demands the mutineers were actually making, and how they appeared to be refining them in their response to the Admiralty’s response.
Full and accurate details, April 1797
In Kentish Gazette, Friday 21 April 1797.
FRIDAY, April 21. LONDON.
…
We received yesterday morning, very full and accurate details from Portsmouth and Gosport. The complaints of the sailors are by no means settled and so far are their discontents from having subsided, that they have assumed a more serious and formidable character and complexion.
Earl Spencer with three other Lords of the Admiralty, arrived at Portsmouth, on Tuesday about twelve o’clock. A board immediately followed. The following were present:—
Bridport, Colpoys, Gardner, Pole.
The Sailors on board the Fleet, at Portsmouth, have chosen four subjects of complaint:—
First, An increase of PAY to ONE SHILLING per day.
Second, Full weight of Provisions of 16 ounces to the pound.
Third, A greater proportion PRIZE MONEY.
Fourth, An Asylum or Pension for all Persons wounded.
These grievances, which they have now put into shape, have been long muttered in the mess; and have every reason to believe will be done away.
The sailors, by the last accounts, had the ascendency, and the mutiny is without exception—we are sorry to say, general—Insomuch so, that on Monday the sick and convalescents in Haslar Hospital displayed flags, composed of handkerchiefs tacked together, with three cheers, which were returned by every ship of war at Spithead.
In the press, editorial concern was unsurprisingly expressed at the state of mutiny, but also showed sympathy for the situation of the men involved. The mutineers appeared to remain loyal to the King, for example, notwithstanding the actions they felt it necessary to take in order to further their cause.
It is with great concern…, April 1797
In Kentish Gazette, Friday 21 April 1797.
LONDON.
…
It is with great concern that we lay the following account before our Readers: It seems to be the most impartial and unprejudiced detail we have met with on the subject—We have very little doubt that a spirit of discontent has been fomented among our gallant Tars, for the worst and most infamous purposes. The Sailors seem to have looked only on one side of the question, and to forget prize-money which frequently adds much to their pay.
For days, (we are given to understand) anonymous letters have been addressed to the superior officers of the Fleet at Portsmouth, and to the Board of Admiralty, stating the hardships which the seamen suffered from the smallness of their pay. At length this dissatisfaction shewed itself in a more open manner, by Petitions, signed by the large body of seamen the fleet, having been presented to Lord Bridport, Sir Alan Gardner, the Port Admiral, and other officers of rank at Portsmouth. These Petitions set forth, that while the Military, the Marines, and other public bodies of men, had at various times received marks of the bounty of Government by allowances of bread, money, and other perquisites, the pay of the seamen had not been augmented, though the distresses of the times fell equally hard on their families as in other parts of the community. They therefore prayed for an increase of allowance; and a hope was expressed that an answer would be given to their prayer before they were ordered to sea again. This expression was however qualified with an exception— unless the enemy’s fleet should be known to be at sea.
This Petition, it is added, met with such general concurrence from every Seaman on board Lord Bridport’s Fleet, to become an object of very serious concern; for though it is couched in the moil respectful terms, and though the Seamen had shewn a more than usually exemplary behaviour on board their ships, yet a species of preremptory language was otherwise held, of demanding an answer before the Fleet should be ordered to sea, it became necessary to take some immediate and decisive step on that subject.
Accordingly, at eleven o’clock on Sunday night, Rear Admiral Young, Lord Bridport’s Captain, arrived at the Admiralty with dispatches from his Lordship, and with a view of giving the fullest information to Lord Spencer, of every thing that had passed. Admiral Young staid with his Lordship and Mr. Nepean in conversation till half past two o’clock yesterday morning.
Monday morning a Council was held on this subject; and at five o’clock on Monday afternoon Earl Spencer, Lord Arden, Admiral Young, and Mr. Marsden set off to Portsmouth, for the purpose of terminating this unpleasant business by their presence, after a thorough investigation of the claims set forth in the Petition. As their determination has been prompt and decisive, there is little doubt but their journey will be attended with the best success, and that harmony will, ‘ere long, be restored.
The pay of the Seamen is at present 9 3/4d. per day, including all allowances. Their demand, we understand to be for 1s. Every one must blame the kind of demand held out for an immediate answer before they go to sea; but in other respects, nothing can exceed the general good behaviour and submission of the seamen; and there is no reason at present to suspect the smallest disaffection in any one man to his Majesty’s service and Government. They declare their eagerness to meet the Enemy, and glory in the name of their honourable profession.
At eleven o’clock Monday night, an express arrived from Portsmouth at the Admiralty, with dispatches dated at three o’clock in the afternoon; at which time all was quiet in the town, and on board every ship in the Fleet. The officers and men appear on the best terms, and the greatest alacrity was shown on board the Fleet in getting it ready for sea.
The Seamen of the Fleet, who have disclaimed all intention of mutiny, thought the present a proper time openly to declare their alleged grievances; and they therefore resolved to make them known before the Fleet again put to sea. There was a perfect understanding amongst the Seamen of all the Ships at Spithead; and the signal for their making public their resolutions, was, —those of the Queen Charlotte running up the fore-shrouds and giving three cheers, at the moment when the signal was made by the Admiral to prepare for sea. The combination that had been entered into then became apparent; and though a slight disposition to disorder came apparent, by the firmness of the Officers, its dangerous effects were in great measure averted. Much praise we understand to be due to the coolness, firmness, and moderation of Lord Bridport, and the Officers under him, who soon brought their men back to a sense of their duty. Their demands were, of course, referred to the Board of Admiralty; but meanwhile, order and discipline were compleatly restored.
During the whole transaction, the Sailors expressed, in the strongest manner, their heartfelt attachment to their Sovereign, and the cause of their Country. Though, to gain their object, whether just or nor, they thought it necessary, for a while, to throw aside the order and discipline which are the characteristics of the British Navy, yet we are confident, their sense of duty to their King, and love for their Country, were never for a moment abated; and that their hearts glowed with those generous and ardent feelings, which rank a British Tar as the first of characters.
A Petition or Memorial of considerable length was transmitted to the Admiralty, setting forth the supposed grievances of the Seamen, and representing what their expectations were. Upon the business being discussed with them, however, in a calm dispassionate manner, the generous nature of their character appeared pre-eminent. They unanimously declared, that if their Country could not at present afford an increase of wages, they would be satisfied, and even fight her battles for nothing; but that when a proper opportunity offered, they had no doubt but all their just claims would be attended to.
In confidence they may implicitly repose.— The best wishes of the Nation must ever be with those men, who display such heroic conduct in her defence; and there is certainly no reasonable recompense which it can be the wish of any friend to his Country to withhold from a set of men at once so useful and meritorious.
The text of a petition from the men to Parliament clearly shows that, as much as anything, what they were seeking was an improvement in pay that covered inflation since the pay level was originally set many years before, back in the reign of Charles II.
Meanwhile, on board ship, discipline was being maintained in the traditional way.
A Petition, addressed to Parliament, April 1797
In Cumberland Pacquet, and Ware’s Whitehaven Advertiser, Tuesday 25 April 1797.
MUTINY IN THE FLEET.
Discontents have lately broke out on board the fleet at Spithead, of a very serious and alarming appearance. Lord Bridport on Saturday made the signal for the ships under his command at Spithead to drop down to St. Helen’s, but was astonished to find that the signal was not obeyed; and he then learnt, for the first time, of the mutinous spirit which had taken possession of the fleet. On Sunday it shewed itself more fully. There was a perfect understanding amongst the seamen of all the ships at Spithead; and the signal for making public their resolutions was,— those of the Queen Charlotte running up the fore-shrouds and giving three cheers at the moment when the signal was made by the Admiral to prepare for sea. The plan was concerted and arranged with the utmost secrecy.— Each ship deputed two men to manage and direct the business; and the crews rove a rope through a block on the starboard yard-arm of each ship, for the purpose of hanging any man who did not support the cause, or who should betray it, and also for the purpose of keeping strict discipline.— Lord Bridport made on Sunday a communication to the Admiralty of this unexpected occurrence; and early on Monday morning Rear Admiral Pole arrived in town on the occasion. A Board of Admiralty was held, which was attended by Mr. Pitt.— In the afternoon, Earl Spence, Lord Arden, and Admiral Young, (composing a Board) set off for Portsmouth, to make such further arrangements as might be thought requisite upon the spot.
Portsmouth, April 19. The mutiny in the fleet still continues in full force; but we learn with pleasure, and from respectable authority, that the seamen’s claims are in all respects complied with. —The strictest discipline, particularly with regard to sobriety, continues to be preserved throughout the fleet. One man on board La Pompee had this morning a severe dozen with a thief’s cat, and was thrice lowered from the main yard into the water, for bringing a pint of spirits on board.
A Petition, addressed to Parliament, has been printed, which states,
“We beg leave to remind your august Assembly, that the Act of Parliament passed in the reign of King Charles II. wherein the wages of all seamen serving on board his Majesty’s fleet was settled, passed at a time when the necessaries of life, and slops of every denomination, were at least 30 per cent. cheaper than at the present time; which enabled Seamen and Marines to provide better for their families, than we can now do with one half advance.
“We therefore request your Honourable House will be so kind as to revise the Act aforementioned, and make such amendments therein, as will enable your Petitioners and their families to live in the same manner at Seamen and Marines did at that Time.”
The names of the deputies (thirty-two in number) are subscribed to this petition.— There is also another petition to the Lords of the Admiralty.
[Several of the London prints of Friday say that letters from Portsmouth, of the preceding day, assert that the matter is now settled; and that the demands of the seamen have been fully complied with:— others, that the board of admiralty has signified that the following advances shall made, to the pay of able-bodied seamen, 4s. per month;—ordinary, 3s.— landmen, 2s.—and that the pound of provisions shall contain 16 ounces, instead of 12;— with other ameliorations.]
It is but common justice to say, that the seamen have conducted themselves through the whole business with a sobriety, steadiness, unanimity, and determined resolution, that would do honour to any other cause.
In the regional press, reports reviewed the events that had taken place during the first week of the mutiny.
First week of the mutiny in review, April 1797
In Hereford Journal, Wednesday 26 April 1797.
COMBINATION OF THE SEAMEN.
ON BOARD THE GRAND FLEET AT SPITHEAD.
The letters from Portsmouth bring the very unpleasant intelligence of a continuance of the discontents on board all the ships of Lord Bridport’s fleet at Spithead, on account of the demands made by the seamen for an increase of pay. The following are the particulars:
For some time past a spirit of unwillingness has manifested itself throughout the fleet at Portsmouth, and anonymous letters have been addressed to the superior Officers there, and to the Board of Admiralty, stating the hardships which the seamen suffered from the smallness of their pay. At length this dissatisfaction shewed itself in a more open manner, by petitions, signed by the large body of seamen of the fleet, having been presented to Lord Bridport, Sir Alan Gardner, the Port Admiral, and other Officers of rank at Portsmouth. These petitions set forth, that while the military, the marines, and other public bodies of men, had at various times received marks of the bounty of Government, by allowances of bread, money, and other perquisites, the pay of the seamen had not been augmented, though the distresses of the times fell equally hard on their families as on other parts of the community. They therefore prayed for an increase of wages, from 22s. 6d. to 30s. a month, together with more equal distribution of prize-money; and a hope was expressed that an answer would be given to their prayer before they were ordered to sea again. This expression was however qualified with an exception—unless the enemy’s fleet should be known to be at in which case, every man would forget his grievances, whether real or supposed, and feel a return of that enthusiasm and gallantry which has on all occasions distinguished this brave and generous class of our countrymen.
The plan was concerted and arranged with the utmost secrecy.—Each ship deputed two men to manage and direct the business; and the crews rove a rope through a block on the starboard fore-yard-arm of each ship, for the purpose of hanging any man who did not support the cause, or who should betray it, and also for the purpose of keeping discipline.
The petition met with that general concurrence from every seaman on board Lord Bridport’s fleet, as to become the object of very serious concern; for though it was couched in the most respectful terms, and though the seamen had shewn more than usual exemplary behaviour on board their ships, yet as a species of peremptory language was otherwise held, of demanding an answer before the fleet should be ordered for sea, it became necessary to take some immediate and decisive step on that subject.
On Sunday last, when Lord Bridport, having made the signal for the ships under his command at Spithead to go down to St. Helen’s for the purpose of proceeding to sea, found that an alarming spirit of discontent prevailed among the seamen, who went to the alarming length of expressing their determination not to obey the orders of his Lordship, unless their pay was advanced, his Lordship conducted himself upon the occasion in manner that must ever reflect the highest honour upon his character. With a steady and undaunted mind, he informed them that he should enforce obedience to his orders at the risk of his life; but, at the same time, intimated that their claims, if respectfully and legally urged, should be submitted to the Admiralty Board, whose decision, he was convinced, would be governed by the strictest equity. In the mean time, if he found his authority resisted the smallest degree, it was not the dread of personal injury, or even of death, that should prevent him from enforcing it to the utmost extent. This prompt and spirited behaviour of his Lordship produced the happiest effect, and universal submission appeared in an instant to pervade the whole fleet.
In consequence of information of the above having been sent town, on Tuesday, between eleven and twelve o’clock, Earl Spencer, with three other Lords of the Admiralty, arrived at Mr. Fielding’s, the Fountain Inn, Portsmouth, where a Board was held, which broke up at three o’clock. Admirals Lord Bridport, Gardner, Colpoys, and Pole, were present at the above board, but their determination is yet a secret.
The mutiny is, without exception, general, insomuch so, that on Monday the sick and convalescents in Haslar Hospital displayed flags, composed of handkerchiefs tacked together, with three cheers, which were returned by every ship of war at Spithead.
The discontents among the seamen existed before the fleet under the command of Lord Bridport went last to sea. The Admiralty were not ignorant of the sentiments of the seamen upon this subject; and several plans have been under consideration, by which some additional advantages might be accorded without greatly burthening the State.
The seamen thought the present proper time openly to declare their alleged grievances; and they therefore resolved to make them known before the fleet again put to sea. There was a perfect understanding among the seamen of all the ships at Spithead; and the signal for their making public their resolution was, those of the Queen Charlotte running up the fore-shrouds, and giving three cheers, at the moment when the signal was made by the Admiral to prepare for sea.— The combination that had been entered into then became apparent; and though a slight disposition to disorder seemed to arise, by the firmness of the Officers, its dangerous effects were in a great measure averted.
Reports also started to appear unpicking the negotiations that had been taking place.
Offer and response, April 1797
In Northampton Mercury, Saturday 29 April 1797. Saturday 29 April 1797
The SEAMENS’ CLAIMS ADJUSTED.
Lord Spencer, and the other Commissioners of the Admiralty, arrived town from Portsmouth on Saturday; their negociation with the delegates of the fleet proceeding no further than the following correspondence:—
Portsmouth, April 18. We, the Commissioners of the Admiralty, having the strongest desire to attend to all the Complaints of the Seamen, and to grant them every just and reasonable redress, have resolved to recommend to his Majesty to propose to Parliament to increase the wages of Seamen in his Majesty’s Navy, in the following proportions, viz.
To add four shillings per month to the wages of petty Officers and able Seamen, three shillings per month to the wages of ordinary Seamen, and two shillings per month to the wages Landmen.
That we have resolved, that Seamen wounded in action shall be continued in pay until their wounds are healed, or until, being declared unserviceable, they shall receive a pension, or be received into the Royal Hospital at Greenwich; and that, having a perfect confidence in the zeal, loyalty, and courage of all the Seamen the in the fleet, so generally expressed by their Petition, and their earnest desire of serving their Country with that spirit which always so eminently distinguished British Seamen, we have come to this Resolution the more readily, that the Seamen may have, as early as possible, an opportunity of shewing good dispositions, by returning to their duty, as it may be necessary, that the fleet should speedily put to sea to meet the enemy of the country.
(Signed) Spencer, Arden, W. Young.
THE SEAMENS’ REPLY.
We received your Lordships’ answer to our petition, and in order to convince your Lordships and the nation in general of our moderation, beg leave to offer the following remarks to your confederation, viz.
That there never has existed but two orders of men in the Navy, able and ordinary, therefore the distinction between ordinary and landmen is totally new; we therefore humbly propose to your Lordships that the old regulations be adhered to, that the wages of able seamen be ratified to one shilling per day, and that of petty officers and the ordinary in the usual proportion; and as a further proof of our moderation, and that we are actuated by a true spirit of benevolence towards our brethren, the marines, who are not noticed in your Lordships’ answer, we humbly propose that their pay be augmented while serving on board, in the same proportion as ordinary seamen; this we humbly hope and trust will be a convincing proof your Lordships, that we are not actuated by a spirit of contradiction, but that we earnestly wish to put a speedy end to the present affair. We beg leave to state to your Lordships that the pensions from Greenwich College, which we earnestly wish to be raised to ten pounds per annum, and in order to maintain which, we humbly propose to your Lordships, that every seaman employed in the merchant service, instead of six-pence per month, which they now pay, shall hereafter pay one shilling per month, which we trust will raise a fund fully adequate to the purpose; and as this in time of peace must be paid by your Petitioners, we trust it will give a convincing proof of our disinterestedness and moderation; we would also recommend that this regulation be extended to the seamen in the service of the East-India Company, as we know by experience that there are few sailors employed by them but what have been in the Royal Navy, and we have them with our own eyes, after sickness or other accident has disabled them, without any hope of relief or support, but from their former services in the Navy.
As to provisions, that they be augmented to sixteen ounces to the pound of bread and meat, cheese, butter, and liquor in proportion, and of a better quality, and sufficient quantity of vegetables, and that no flour be served with fresh beef. And we further beg leave to inform your Lordships, that it is unanimously agreed, that until the grievances before stated are redressed, and an act of amendment passed, we are determined not to lift an anchor: and the grievances of particular ships must be redressed.
Given under our hands, the Delegates of the Fleet, on board the Queen Charlotte, Spithead, April 19.
A Cabinet Council was held on Saturday, which sat upwards of three hours, on account of the urgency of the business. After the deliberations of Council were over, Earl Spencer, accompanied by the Lord Chancellor, left town for Windsor, where a Privy Council was held, when an Order of Council was passed under his Majesty’s Sign Manual, and to which the Great Seal of England was affixed, granting indemnification to the Delegates who signed the Sailors’ Petition, and an assurance that their demands would be recommended to the two Houses of Parliament by a Royal Message. As soon as the Meeting broke up, Mr. Powell, the Messenger, left Windsor, with dispatches containing the pleasing intelligence to Lord Bridport at Portsmouth.
Mr. Powell arrived early on Sunday morning at Portsmouth, and after communicating his dispatches to the Port Admiral, the same were made known to Lord Bridport and the Admirals the Fleet, who went on board the Royal George where Lord Bridport’s flag had been hoisted. After the King’s proclamation had been read to the delegates, the Captains went on board their respective ships, and informed the crews of each of his Majesty’s gracious disposition towards them.
Every thing being settled, Captain Holloway of the Duke came on shore at about seven o’clock, and announced the joyful tidings that all was happily adjusted, and that the Seamen were perfectly satisfied.
After the business was concluded, the Delegates wrote a very respectful letter to Lord Bridport, declaring, that there was no Officer in the British navy under whom they would serve with more cheerfulness than his Lordship.
The Board of Admiralty, in the arrangement of the delicate and important business at Spithead, have displayed an union of temperance and firmness, of judgment and vigour, which entitle them to the warmest thanks of the nation. Indeed, the Nobleman who presides at the Board has invariably discharged the duties of his office, in times uncommonly critical, with a degree of zeal and ability that reflect the highest honour on his head and heart. By the reconciliation which has taken place, the hopes of the disaffected are completely frustrated, and the terrors of Britain’s foes effectually revived.
It is with infinite pleasure we announce, that communication was yesterday received at the Admiralty by means of the telegraph, from Portsmouth, of the first division the Channel fleet having dropped down from Spithead to St. Helen’s, in the most perfect order; and further advices were received in the course of the afternoon, that the second division was also about to drop down to the same place. The whole are expected to put to sea this day or to-morrow, for the purpose of cruising off Brest. The men are all in high spirits, and in great hopes of being afforded a speedy opportunity of shewing their gratitude to their countrymen, by chastising the enemies of Great-Britain.
With the defence of the nation at stake, a Cabinet Council was convened and sought to quickly resolve the situation.
The Cabinet Respond, April 1797
In Oxford Journal, Saturday 29 April 1797.
LONDON, April 25.
A Cabinet Council was held at Lord Grenville’s Office, Downing-street, on Saturday, at which the Lord Chancellor, Mr. Pitt, Duke of Portland, Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, Mr. Dundas, &c. were present, which sat upwards of three hours, on account of the Convention on board the fleet at Spithead. After the deliberations of the Cabinet Council were over, Earl Spencer, accompanied by the Lord Chancellor, left town for Windsor, at which place the rest of the Cabinet Ministers met the King. A Privy Council was immediately held, when an Order of Council was passed under his Majesty’s sign manual, and the Great Seal of England affixed, granting an indemnification to the Delegates who signed the Sailors’ Petition, and an assurance that their demands would be recommended to the two Houses of Parliament by a Royal Message. As soon as the Meeting broke up, Mr. Powell, the Messenger, left Windsor, with dispatches containing the pleasing intelligence to Lord Bridport at Portsmouth.
PORTSMOUTH, APRIL 23.
The dispatches which were brought down by Mr. Powell, in the extraordinary short period of seven hours, were instantly carried to the Port Admiral, who sent for Lord Bridport, Admirals Gardner, Pole, and Colpoys, and after consulting together, they proceeded on board the Royal George, where Lord Bridport’s flag was hoisted. A signal was immediately made for all Captains, who having gone on board the Admiral’s ship, the nature of the dispatches was divulged. — Every Captain then returned to his own ship, and communicated to the crews, the content of the dispatches from Windsor. The seamen unanimously declared they could give no answer till the proposals were submitted to the Court of Delegates. On assembling the Court, it was found that Joyce and Glynn, two of the Delegates, were on shore. The Court would not proceed without them.
A boat was sent on shore, and they were brought on board in as much form as if they had been two officers. The Court of Delegates being compleated, proceeded to business. The proposals were discussed, and finally agreed upon at half past six. The signal of approbation being three cheers, was first given by the Queen Charlotte, and then went through the whole fleet, every ship giving in this manner its consent.
The intelligence was received with the most excessive joy by the people on shore.
Dispatches are just made up for the Admiralty, and are now (eight o’clock) sending off by Mr. Powell, the Messenger, with the happy news.
By the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.
Having taken into our consideration a paper containing several representations from the seamen of His Majesty’s ships at Spithead, respecting an advance of their wages, and being desirous of granting them every request that can with any degree of reason be complied with, we have resolved to recommend it to his Majesty that an addition of Five Shillings and Sixpence per Month be made to the wages of Petty Officers and Seamen belonging to his Majesty’s Navy, which will make the wages of Able Seamen One Shilling per day, clear of all deductions; an addition of Four Shillings and Sixpence per month to the wages of Ordinary Seamen; and an addition of Three Shillings and Sixpence to the wages of Landmen; and that none of the allowance made to the Marines when on shore shall be stopped, on their being embarked on board any of his Majesty’s ships. We have also resolved, that all Seamen, Marines, and others, serving in his Majesty’s ships, shall have the full allowance of provisions, without any deductions for leakage or waste; and that until proper steps can be taken for carrying this into effect, short allowance money shall be paid to the men in lieu of the deduction heretofore made; and that all men wounded in action shall receive their full pay until their wounds shall be healed, or until being declared incurable they shall receive a pension from the Chest at Chatham, or shall be admitted into the Royal Hospital at Greenwich. And your Lordship is hereby required and directed to communicate this our determination to the Captain of each of his Majesty’s ships under your orders, directing him to make it known to the ship’s company under his command, and to inform them that, should they be insensible to the very liberal offers now made to them, and persist in their present disobedience, they must no longer expect to enjoy those benefits to which by their former good-conduct, they were entitled; that in such a case all the men now on board the fleet at Spithead shall be incapable of receiving any smart-money or pensions from the chest of Chatham, or of being admitted at any time into the Royal Hospital at Greenwich; and that they must be answerable for the dreadful consequences which will necessarily attend their continuing to transgress the rules of the service, in open violation of the laws of their country.
On the other hand, he is to inform them, that we promise the most perfect forgiveness of all that has passed on this occasion, to every ship’s company, who, within one hour after the communication to them of the above-mentioned resolutions, shall return to their duty in every particular, and shall cease to hold further intercourse with any men who continue in a state of disobedience and mutiny.
Given under our hands, at Portsmouth, the 20th of April, 1797.
SPENCER. ARDEN. W. YOUNG,
To the Right Hon. Lord Bridport, K. B. Admiral of the White, Commander in Chief of a squadron of his Majesty’s ships to be employed in the Channel, Soundings, &c. By the command of their Lordships, (Signed) W. Marsden.
To the Right Hons the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.
We, the Seamen and Marines in and belonging to his Majesty’s fleet now lying at Spithead, have received with the utmost satisfaction, and with hearts full of gratitude, the bountiful Augmentation of Pay and Provisions which your Lordships have been pleased to signify shall take place in future in his Majesty’s Royal Navy by your order, which has been read to us this morning, by the command of Admiral Lord Bridport.
Your Lordships having thus generously taken the prayer of our several petitions into your serious consideration, you have given satisfaction to every loyal and well disposed Seaman and Marine belonging to his Majesty’s fleets; and from the assurance which your Lordships have given us respecting such other grievances as we thought, right to lay before you, we are thoroughly convinced, should any real grievance or other cause of complaint arise in future, and the same be laid before your Lordships in a regular manner, we are perfectly satisfied that your Lordships will pay every attention to a number of brave men, who have and ever will be true and faithful to their King and Country.
But we beg leave to remind your Lordships, that it is a firm resolution, that until the flour in port be removed, the vegetables and petitions augmented, the grievances of private ships be redressed, an Act passed, and his Majesty’s gracious pardon for the fleet now lying at Spithead be granted, that the fleet will not lift an anchor; and this is the total and final answer.
BY THE KING.
A PROCLAMATION
For pardoning such Seamen and Marines of the squadron of his Majesty’s fleet stationed at Spithead, as have been guilty of any act of Mutiny or Disobedience of Orders, or any Breach or Neglect of Duty, and who shall, upon Notification of such Proclamation on board their respective ships, return to the regular and ordinary Discharge of their Duty.
George R.
Upon the report of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, of the proceedings of the Seamen and Marines of the squadron of our fleet stationed at Spithead, and of the measures taken by the said Lords Commissioners in consequence thereof; and in order to manifest our desire to give due encouragement to all those who shall return to the regular and ordinary discharge of their duty, according to the rules and practice of the Navy; we have thought fit, by the advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Proclamation, and do hereby promise our most gracious pardon to all Seamen and Marines serving on board the said squadron, who shall, upon notification hereof on board their respective ships, return to their regular and ordinary discharge of their duty: And we do hereby declare, that all such Seamen and Marines, so returning to their duty, shall be discharged and released from all Prosecutions, Imprisonments, and Penalties, incurred by reason of any act of Mutiny or Disobedience of Orders, or any Breach or Neglect of Duty, previously committed by them, or any of them.
Given at our Court at Windsor, the Twenty-second day of April, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-seven, and in the Thirty-seventy Year of our Reign.
GOO SAVE THE KING.
Much fear has been expressed that the issue of the business maybe considered as a death-blow to the discipline of the Navy. We hope otherwise——nay we are confident that our brave Seamen will prove, by their conduct, that the professions of attachment to their country, which were held out in their different memorials, were from the heart. British Seamen do not say one thing, while they mean another; and we are sure they will now be as unanimous in their attention to duty and submission to their officers, as they were firm in demanding a redress of grievances. They are not so short-sighted as many people may imagine, and the man who would attempt to sow among them the feeds of insubordination would speedily find that they have discernment enough to see his real character, for they would consider and treat him as their enemy.
In Parliament, Lord Howe sought to clarify his role in the early days of the affair.
The Lords Consider Their Response, May 1797
In The Parliamentary Register, 1797, pp148-150.
Wednesday, 3d May.
The Duke of BEDFORD once more offered himself to the notice of the House on subject which he acknowledged to be extremely delicate, but to which his duty to the Public obliged him to pay attention. He meant, he said, the proceedings which had lately taken place between the sailors of the fleet at Portsmouth and the Lords of the Admiralty. If His Majesty’s Ministers intended to bring forward any papers relative to that subject, he would be very ready to leave it in their hands. If they had not any such intention, he should certainly think it necessary to move for papers on that head.
Earl SPENCER said, that he had it not in command from His Majesty to make any communication to the House on that head, nor did he believe he should have.
Earl HOWE said that his name had been very much mentioned, in this business, and in a manner which he did not think very reputable to his character. As the noble Duke had given notice that he intended to bring this matter forward on a future day, he would postpone going into the business till the period of discussion arrived, though he had been to the House several times, with considerable anxiety, to speak on the subject, but without any proper opportunity of doing so. He, however, entreated their Lordships to be extremely cautious how they entered into any discussion on the subject. He begged them to consider that if they came to any resolution, approving of the demands of the sailors, it would materially affect the future discipline of the fleet, by conveying an acquiescence in their conduct. If they disapproved of it by any resolution, it would convey to the seamen of the fleet an idea that the promises which had been made to them were not meant to be performed. He would however recommend, that all engagements made to them should be punctually complied with.
The Duke of CLARENCE waved all idea of being considered to speak in a political point of view; but as a professional man, he deprecated a discussion of the subject.
Lord GRENVILLE was of the same opinion, and thought a great deal of mischief might be the consequence of a discussion, while no possible good could result from it.
The Duke of BEDFORD declared that he did not wish to bring forward, or provoke any discussion which might in its consequence be productive of any disadvantage to the country. He could not, however, consent that a matter of such immense magnitude, and of so extraordinary a nature as had never yet been entered upon the annals of this country, should pass off without the notice of that House. He was determined, therefore, on some future day, to bring forward a motion for papers on this subject, without prefacing it by any comment whatever.
The Earl of CARLISLE assured the House that he was impressed with the highest respect for the great delicacy observed by Lord Howe in putting off what he had to say in justification of himself to the day on which the noble Duke should bring the business before the House; and he was also fully sensible of the weight that ought to be paid to the professional opinion of a high Personage who had spoken on the subject (the Duke of Clarence.) He could not, however, avoid asking the House if a matter of this importance was never to be taken up? He by no means wished to say whether this was the proper moment to discuss it; but he asserted that it was the duty of their Lordships to inquire into the matter, and to investigate in the most serious manner from what causes a proceeding so totally unprecedented in the English history had originated.
Earl HOWE again deprecated a discussion of the subject, but said his character had been so implicated, that he must take the first proper opportunity of defending it.
Lord SYDNEY was of opinion that a discussion of the subject would be wrong, as much evil might be the consequence, and no one possible good could accrue from it.
Earl HOWE again rose and said, that from what had fallen in the course of the debate, he perceived that this was the properest moment for him to explain himself, and clear his character to the seamen and the public. In the early part of the month of February, and till the middle of March, while he was obliged to be at Bath from an ill state of health, he had received several petitions from the fleet, which conveyed intelligence of there being great discontents among the seamen of the fleet, and demanded an increase of pay or wages. These petitions being all anonymous, he neither could answer them, nor did he think it necessary. However, in order to satisfy himself as far as possible on the subject, he wrote to an officer at Portsmouth, to know if he thought any discontents prevailed on board the fleet, informing him at the same time of the petitions he had received. This officer answered his inquiries by an assurance that no discontents that he could hear of, prevailed in the fleet. When, however, his health would permit him, he came to town, and one of the Lords of the Admiralty happening the day after his arrival to call on him, he mentioned to him the petitions he had received, and requested him to make the proper inquiries, and to pay the necessary attention to this subject. His Lordship concluded by saying, that if he had any particular friend in the House, he hoped he would evince his friendship by moving that his conduct might be taken into consideration.
Lord GRENVILLE said, that he believed everyone of their Lordships and every man in the kingdom, was perfectly convinced that His Lordship had acted through a long life, the part of a virtuous and honourable supporter of the rights and interests of his country. He once more deprecated any farther discussion of the subject and moved to adjourn.— Adjourned.
Lord Howe’s Defence, May 1797
In Kentish Gazette, Friday 05 May 1797.
HOUSE OF LORDS.— Wednesday, May 3.
…
SAILORS AT PORTSMOUTH.
The Duke of Bedford said there was a subject which he could not help drawing to the consideration of the House, namely the transactions which it was generally understood had recently taken place at Portsmouth. He felt it a delicate subject, but, nevertheless, from what could be collected from public report, it was of too great importance to be passed over in silence. If, however, it was the intention of his Majesty’s Ministers to bring the subject forward, he certainly should not take it out of their hands.
Lord Spencer rose merely to say, that he had not received any commands from his Majesty upon the subject, nor had he any reason to believe that he ever should.
Lord Howe said, he had anxiously waited for an opportunity to justify himself from those insinuations which had been thrown out against him, and he should certainly avail himself of that which, he hinted, the motion of the Noble Duke would give. But, he mist confess, the circumstance was of a very serious nature, and its weight and importance ought to be well considered before it was touched upon.
The Duke of Clarence paid many compliments to the character of the last Noble Lord, of which, he said, there could be but one opinion in the whole British Navy. The late transactions at Portsmouth most undoubtedly were of a very serious nature; and he did not see what advantage could be derived from any animadversion. Speaking of it as an Officer, professionally and not politically, he did consider that making conditions with the seamen might be injurious to the necessary discipline of the navy;— but even that was a question which the House could not well discuss without doing some injury.
Lord Howe felt the force of thr Royal Duke’s observation respecting the discipline of the Navy; but the question was now, will you abide by the terms you have made with the sailors, or will you not? If you do, then you give a sanction to their conduct: if you do not, then what dependence can they have on your promises in future? In his opinion, therefore, as circumstances now stood, they should by all means abide by their engagements.
The first he heard of this unfortunate business was during his indisposition, between the second week in February and the beginning of March, when several petitions were presented to him as from the seamen; they were exactly similar, and prayed for an advance of wages, that they might be enabled to make their families more comfortable. Four or five of these petitions were written in different hands, but they wer evidently dated by the same hand: these petitions were not signed by any name, therefore it was impossible for him to take any notice of them. He, however, sent an Officer at Portsmouth, whose situation rendered it likely for him to ascertain the fact, to know whether there was any appearance of any discontent in the fleet; to which he replied there was not; and this induced his Lordship to believe the whole a manoeuvre of some incendiary to stir up discontent, by making him notice a complaint which did not exist.— The day after he came to town, the 22d of March, one of the Members of the Admiralty Board called upon him, to whom he communicated this circumstance, and sent the petitions to the Noble Earl who presides at the head of the Admiralty; and he knew nothing more of the unhappy transaction than what had appeared in the public prints.—If the insinuations had been against him in any act of his professional duty, h must have borne it; but from such an attack as he had received, he could only be rescued by their Lordships.
Lord Grenville declared that the Noble Earl’s conduct in this business had been marked with the same honor which characterised every transaction of his life, and he believed every Noble Peer in the House was of the same opinion. After which the Noble Lord moved that this House do now adjourn till tomorrow; which was done accordingly.
Whilst at first it appeared that the mutiny had been resolved by the offer sent down from London, it soon became clear the sailors were still not happy.
Contradictory reports, May 1797
In Kentish Gazette, Friday 12 May 1797.
FRIDAY, May 12. LONDON.
The effect of the transmission of the Act of Parliament, past on Tuesday, to the Sailors, we have not yet learned; and indeed many of the accounts that arrived yesterday morning are somewhat contradictory.—Some of them represent the sailors to be perfectly satisfied, and that every thing is settled; while the writers of others state, that the information which they have been able to collect at Portsmouth, does not lead them to suppose that so desirable an event has yet happened.
The Sailors who died of their wounds were buried on Wednesday by procession.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM PORTSMOUTH.
The satisfactory account of the Mutiny which has been generally announced, we lament to state, was premature Adm. Colpoys remains a close prisoner still, and the town is in much consternation.
All the gates were shut on Thursday; the garrison has been under arms, on account of the Military burial of the Seamen killed on board the London, on Sunday.
The landing was made at the Common Hard, in much order; and the funeral moved to Kingston church, where the bodies were interred, and a Monument is to be erected, by the sailors to their memory.
Several officers were discharged from the Defence and some other ships. Every moment seems big with event, and is productive some new tale or other; so that it is scarcely possible to collect a statement of facts to be depended on. Every boat from the fleet creates a hope of good news, but makes the mind more gloomy.
Three-quarters past Seven, P. M.
Every thing is settled in the Fleet, and every ship in perfect order and discipline, except in two ships. This you may depend on.— Courier.
EXTRACT OF ANOTHER LETTER
We have pleasure, not only in confirming the statement which has been made that the discontents on board the Fleet were nearly subdued, but we with the utmost satisfaction announce to the Public, that a Messenger arrived at the Admiralty, this morning at six o’clock, with an account that the Mutiny at Portsmouth is at length happily at an end.— Sun.
The Second Mutiny at Portsmouth, has, we are assured, subsided for the present—We repeat for he present: as, after the imprudent, not to say ungrateful, behaviour of the sailors, we can have very little assurance how long they will continue in the performance of their duty. The only excuse which we can make for them is, that they have been misled by some factious and turbulent Spirits; who, to gratify their own ambition and infamous lust of power, care not if they involve the Nation universal ruin.
Two of the Naval Delegates, Evans and Joyce, were, it seems, the joint movers of the late Mutiny; the former was a pettyfogging Attorney, struck off the rolls for various mal-practices amongst his Wapping Clients; the latter, a Tobacconist of Belfast, in Ireland, shipped on board a Tender, with many others, by the order of Lord Carhampton, for his seditious harangues.
The Order of Council, of the 26th of April, 1797, was on Tuesday transmitted on board the Fleet, together with the Votes of the House of Commons upon the same subject.
…
HOUSE OF COMMONS— Wednesday, May 10.
MUTINY AT PORTSMOUTH.
Mr. Whitbread said that he should not take much of the time the House, as he would have to trouble them but very shortly in stating the grounds of his Motion, and called upon the House to attend to facts and dates as they appeared.—On the 23d of April, the final concession of the Lords of the Admiralty was made; on the 26th, that concession was referred to as the Privy Council; and on the 3d of May was made the Order of Council. How could the Minister account tor this? Should he not confess his fault, and ask pardon of the House?—Was it possible the House would neglect to pronounce their censure on a man, who, to all their mischief and misfortunes he had brought upon the Country, had added this dangerous, if not fatal, calamity?
He had said that the Minister ought to have brought down a Message from the King—but even now, to this moment, no Message been brought.
The Seamen, receiving the acquiescence of the Lords of the Admiralty, stipulated that every grant should be ratified by Parliament; — and the delay of that ratification was itself a presumptive proof; that this delay produced what followed;— The Right Hon. Gentleman had, on a former attempted to shift the blame from the charge of delay, and to fix it on the mis-representation of certain Speeches in Parliament. Supposing this to true, the Hon. Gentleman might have prevented that misrepresentation, and the effects which arose from it, by doing his duty at first.
He therefore moved, “That the Rt. Hon. Wm. Pitt, having delayed to present the Estimate of the Expences occasioned by the increase of the Wages of the Navy, &c. was guilty of a neglect of his duty, and deserved the Censure of this House.”
Mr. Pitt, that considering he himself alone was personally implicated in the motion, he felt very considerable difficulty in offering to the House the first observation which he conceived he ought make, as it was upon a matter of form; and yet he trusted to the candour of the House, and hoped they would not misunderstand him, though he did so in conformity his duty. He deprecated the idea that desiring that the guilt, be what it would, which the House in its wisdom should adjudge to have attached to the transaction, should be transferred or divided; but when the Hon. Gentleman averred that he (Mr. Pitt) individually was guilty, he spoke irregularly in point of form and in point of fact—for the House could not fail to know that, it was by no means his duty individually to prepare an estimate of those expences, to direct the preparation of an estimate, or even to offer the estimate to the House when prepared, and that in truth there was no part of the financial business of the State with which, as an individual, he had so little share; but while he said so much as to the form of the Motion, he would at the same time avow, that as to the substance of it, if guilt was imputable, on account of not having urged with greater speed the Parliamentary sanction and ratification of the compact made by the Lords of the Admiralty with the Seamen of the Fleet, as a general question relating to the welfare and security of the Country, he laid claim to no excuse, and had stated his objections to the individual charge against himself, merely to point out the informality of it.
As to the remaining part, which applied to the charge of his having, by unnecessary delay, occasioned that renewal of the Mutiny, which none had greater cause, or could more sincerely regret than himself, he begged the House to recollect, that he had stated all the material facts upon a former day. The fair question then at this time was, whether at the day stated by the Hon. Gentleman to have been the proper time for bringing it forward, there were such obvious grounds for concluding that a few days occupied in the regular the business, would be a delay so likely produce suspicion in the Fleet of the insincerity of Ministers, as that the Executive Government must necessarily have been so firmly of opinion, that not to hurry it through the House would be dangerous, and that it was criminal in him, as Minister of Finance, not to attend to it? This was the plain question and meaning of the Motion, if it meant any thing— The Hon. Gentleman would see then how facts bore him in his proposition, and the House would decide upon them.—On the 24th of April the accounts arrived that the Seamen of the fleet, after their first demands, had returned to their duty—on the 26th their Memorial was presented by the Lords of the Admiralty to the Council, and by them referred to a Committee; and the report of that Committee was approved, the next day, or the next day but one, on which, according to customary forms, the Council met, and this was the 3d day of May:—On the very next day, notice was given to the House of the Estimate; —it was accordingly given in upon Friday, and voted upon Monday. Thus it would appear to the House, that at time of the approbation of the Privy Council — at the time of his giving notice to the House of the Estimate—at the time of giving the Estimate —at the time of proposing the Resolutions which were voted by the Committee of Supply upon the Estimate—and at all times, and every stage throughout the business, Ministers had given the most unequivocal and unquestionable evidence of a continual, uniform intention, to bring forward the measure in due form, for purpose of obtaining for it parliamentary sanction and ratification.
As to the Question of Sincerity, he had not yet heard a doubt started respecting the intentions of Government to carry into full effect the measure in question. Could any man then, knowing, as every man must, that it was the sincere intention of Ministers do so, entertain a doubt that if they thought the least danger was likely to attend a delay, they would have been so grossly foolish as to neglect giving it all the speed and dispatch possible, and voluntarily and causelessly to incur the risk of that danger?—That their interest and their duty were too nearly allied to admit of such doubt, was a point that their enemies and their friends must alike allow. But there was one circumstance which put the question, as to guilt imputed to Ministers in this respect, entirely out of the question, which was, that the concession respecting the allowance of provisions had been practically announced to the Fleet by Lord Bridport, long before the last discontents broke out.
Under these circumstances, he left it to the candour and justice of the House to judge, whether the conduct of his Majesty’s Ministers, so far as the view of this Motion went, could at all be considered as qualified with the name of guilt.
Before he concluded, he thought it his duty to add, that by the last accounts which arrived from Portsmouth, and which the haziness of the weather rendered less perfect than could be wished, it appeared that there was a disposition in the Fleet to return to their duty, which he hoped would be so happily improved, to remove speedily all anxiety on the subject.—He would not say that he was yet so fully possessed of particulars as to state, with confidence, what might remove apprehensions; but hee had at least a dawn of hope, that subordination and tranquility would soon be restored. But be the judgment of the House on him, what it might, he hoped at least they would not, if they conceived that censuring him would contribute to that event, disturb their own prospects, or deprive the public of the benefit of whatever censure might fall on him.
Sir William Geary said, that if the House, impressed an carried away by the eloquence of the Honourable Gentleman who made the Motion, should come hastily and intemperately to a decision on so serious a point, they would afterwards repent it, and be the first to condemn the precipitancy of their own conduct.—He would, therefore, again, and again, express his wish, that the Motion might be postponed, especially as the Hon. Mover did not seem himself to have made up his mind, even on the manner, of its wording.‚As the Motion originally stood, it only implied an omission on the part of the Minister; as it now stood amended, it charged the Minister with a direct Commission.—In every view of the subject, he was confidently persuaded that the Hon. Gentleman should defer his Motion.
The Hon. Mr. Yorke said, that, however ardently he first wished, and however strongly he endeavoured to express that wish, that the present Motion should not go on, yet as it was now gone into, he was not disposed, nor would he endeavour, to stop it.—He felt, however, much force in the point of form urged by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pitt) and, in his opinion, it ought to be considered and strictly adhered to. The many Amendments Gentlemen had been obliged to Introduce in the Motion, plainly proved that the Hon. Mover did not clearly see against what part of Administration his Charges should apply; and these various Amendments would stand on the Journals as a proof of that indecision of mind.—Neither had the Hon. Gentleman adduced any substantial grounds to evince the necessity of his Motion.—Does he wish to form our judgments by the considerations of a mere event, without attending to the infinite variety of circumstances that may have occurred in procuring it? And is it possible in the nature of things, but that the event which had recently happened, and which we now all quite in deploring, may not have been occasioned through such a variety of accidental circumstances? No proof is brought before the House that the delay, the imputed cause, has been the sole cause of that event—is there a Member in the House who can take upon him to say, that this delay has been the only cause?
Mr. Fox said, that every view he had taken the of Ministers during the late transactions, confirmed him in the opinion of the expediency direct Vote of Censure on that conduct.
Mr. Secretary Dundas said, the Hon. Gentleman seemed to think that they should have foreseen what happened. Could they do that? They did not suspect that the Hon. Gentleman himself at that time did not expect it. If he did, would he have been guilty of any crime in informing them, if he had superior information to theirs. The fact was, the Commanders on board the ships thought the business concluded; so did every man and the necessary steps for its completion were taken with all expedition and dispatch. But it seems they also should have been prepared counteract the malignity of the Jacobins. He would answer in the language of an Hon. Gentleman,—if men were committing Treason, let them come forward manfully; they did not to find them in obscure holds in the bottoms of ships, among the common class of Seaman. But he stated it with satisfaction, and several could hear witness that he had frequently stated it with satisfaction, that during the greatest heat and ardour of the tumult, those brave men never once seemed to show the least symptom of what might be called Jacobinical principles. But at the same moment, when they were the warmest in urging their Claims, they declared that they would preserve the Independency of our Crown, nor should any one dare to affront with impunity the Fleets of Great Britain. If another attempt were made to corrupt them, at present, he was persuaded, that they would remain firm and unshaken, and spurn, with indignation, any who would dare to inculcate such principles as Jacobinism. No! that was the side on which the designing dare not attack them? but a more insidious course was pursued—when the question Pay and Provision was adjusted, which was the only question, then they were deceived by false statements—they were told the Kind’s Pardon was a forgery, and that their Bill was thrown out of the House of Commons.
It was by such false statements, and unfounded representations, that they were again thrown into a ferment. But, as soon as they understood that the House had ratified the Treaty, they shewed immediate symptoms or returning to order and discipline. If, under such circumstances, Ministers could be said to be negligent, it was because in common with every one, they thought the differences completely adjusted, when the Fleet sailed from Portsmouth to St. Helen’s. As a proof of it, the agreement had been acted upon in the instance of Provisions, where the full allowance was served out. Notwithstanding what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman, no one could tell what would have happened, if the matter had been sooner ratified by Parliament: that same defining spirit which, in the present case, had deceived them by one false representation, might have worked in some other way, and other consequences ensued.
Mr. Whitbread requested the attention of the House for few minutes.—The ground upon which Ministers defended themselves was, that they had every reason to suppose that all disturbance was at an end, and that therefore, there was no occasion for extraordinary expedition; but he begged to recall to the recollection of Gentlemen, that on the 28th of April, when Lord Bridport’s fleet sailed to St. Helen’s, even then there were three Ships remained at Spithead who would not join the Fleet; this, together with circumstance of the Plymouth Delegates coming round to Portsmouth, ought to have convinced Ministers that all doubts were not at an end, and therefore they should have silenced all suspicions, by ratifying the promises of the Board of Admiralty.—The House then divided,
For the Motion, 63, —Against 237.—Majority 174
[A list of members who voted for censure then followed.]
With reports that the French fleet had set sail, and that the mutiny was turning violent, there were suggestions that a more general panic could be developing.
With heart-rending pain, May 1797
In Kentish Weekly Post or Canterbury Journal, Tuesday 09 May 1797.
MUTINY AT SPITHEAD.
With heartrending pain we announce to our readers the distressing intelligence, that the mutiny on the fleet Spithead and St. Helen’s has broken out again with much alarming violence. Already some blood has been spilt on both the side of the officers and men. There are various accounts received by letters from Portsmouth, but as no persons were permitted to go on board the ships, full information could not be procured. It broke out in one of the ships said to be the London, when some men were killed by the officers in attempting to enforce order, which has enraged the seamen to such degree that some accounts say Adm. Colpoys is confined in one cabin, and the Captain in another, prior to their being tried by court-martial, and one of the papers asserts, (but we sincerely hope unfounded) that the brave Adm. Colpoys has been hung his crew.
Terror and consternation prevail throughout Portsmouth, and it is not improbable but the next letters may contain an account of the wealthy inhabitants moving their property into the interior of the country.
It is very currently reported that, the French fleet are at sea, and have a fleet of transports with them. Thee account is said to be brought from Falmouth, and received there from Sir J. B. Warren. The truth we do not vouch for.
It was very generally reported on Saturday, that Mr. Pitt had delivered in his resignation to the King on the preceding evening. Such an event, we know, is considered in the political circles as likely to take place in very short time; but we can assure our readers that no arrangements for that purpose have yet been made.— M. Herald.
Letters from Portsmouth described the situation.
A spirit of mutiny has re-appeared, May 1797
In Hereford Journal, Wednesday 10 May 1797.
MUTINY ON BOARD THE FLEET.
It is with the utmost concern we have to state to the public, that a spirit of mutiny has re-appeared at Portsmouth, with increased energy, and that circumstances there have suddenly reached that pitch, which seems to baffle all calculation of the probable dreadful result.
The spirit of discontent which prevailed in the fleet, had not, it now appears, been calmed by the liberal concessions of the Admiralty Board, and the gracious condescension of the King; It has been secretly nourished during the whole time the fleet has been lying at St. Helen’s, and has broke out again with renovated force.
The signal having been made yesterday morning by Lord Bridport, for the fleet to weigh from St Helen’s, spirit of disobedience immediately appeared, and in place of obeying the signal of their Admiral, the seamen mutinously sent Delegates to Spithead. It was the intention of these leaders in the mutiny to assemble on board the London, the flag ship of Admiral Colpoys.—That gallant Officer being on board, he gave orders to his crew to prevent the mutineers from entering his ship.—The sailors of the London refused to obey their Officers, and insisted that the Delegates should come on board. The Admiral ordering the marines to arms, told his men that he would oppose their mutinous and outrageous conduct by force. They seemed regardless of his threats, upon which he ordered the marines to fire—they did so, and several were killed and wounded. The sailors flew to arms, and a contest ensued, in which the First Lieutenant of the London was killed, and several wounded. Such was the state of things last night, when the mail came away.
As no boats are allowed to go on board the ships, our correspondents have not been able to procure such full information as we could have wished.—The following are the accounts that have reached us:
“Portsmouth, May 7.
“The mutiny on board the fleet at Spithead and St. Helen’s, is renewed with redoubled vigour.
“This day disturbance broke out in one of the ships, I believe the London, when some men were killed by the Officers, in attempting to enforce order, which has enraged the seamen to such a degree that the most serious consequences can hardly be avoided.
“Terror and consternation prevail through our fleets, and it is not improbable but my next letter may contain an account of the wealthy inhabitants moving their property into the interior of the country.
“No boats are allowed to go alongside the ships but from the best accounts that have reached us, the present alarming discontents have originated from conversation that occurred a few days ago in the House of Lords, from which the men considered that the faith pledged to them had been broken, as no steps had been taken in Parliament to carry into execution the solemn promise that had been made to them in the name of his Majesty. They thought it indespensible to their security that an Act of Parliament should be passed before they proceeded to sea; and they have ever since talked of the unaccountable delay of Ministers in not bringing forward the business. They also said, that the House of Lords was not satisfactory, as they had said that the matter was not to be discussed, or that it was too delicate for discussion, or words to that effect. I am happy to tell you, however, that at this moment every exertion is making to appease the tumult.”
Another Letter.
“After post I have learned, that the Captain of the London, on the point blank refusal of the marines to fire at the Delegates, who came from Lord Bridport’s fleet at St. Helen’s, ordered the hatchways to be blocked, and on the people rushing up, mortally wounded a boy with his own pistol; three men and a marine afterwards fell on the side of the seamen; and Lieutenant Sims, of the marines, with a midshipman, were severely wounded on the other: the former had a ball through each arm, and Admiral Colpoys, with his officers, are in close confinement, and not expected to live till to-morrow morning!
“Captain .Nichols, two Lieutenants, the marine Officers and Surgeon, were formally discharged from the Marlborough, of 74 guns, after an hour’s notice: they landed at the Point this afternoon.
“The Majestic, going down to St. Helen’s this morning, was stopped, and dreadful are the consequences that are to be expected from the fleet being again prevented from sailing, as it is reported the French are at sea, with eighteen sail of the line.
“Among the various reports, it is said, the whole fleet has declared that they will not go out to fight the French fleet.”
Another Letter.
“Portsmouth, Sunday Evening, Nine o’clock.
“In consequence of dispatches received at the Admiralty, from Commodore Sir John Borlase Warren, an express arrived here this morning, ordering Lord Bridport’s fleet to sail immediately.
“The signal was accordingly made for the ships to get under weigh; but instead of which not a single ship would comply!
“It is stated, that intelligence from Sir J. B. Warren, announces, that the French fleet had worked out into the outer road of Brest, consisting of 17 sail of the line and a vast number of transports, which appeared ready for sailing at a moment’s notice.”
With the state of the Navy once again a matter of concern, Parliament was apprised of the situation.
Parliament Discusses the Mutiny, May 1797
In Hampshire Chronicle, Saturday 13 May 1797.
HOUSE COMMONS.
MONDAY, May 8.
…
THE SEAMEN.
Mr. Pitt moved the order of the day for the house to resolve into a committee, to take into consideration the estimates presented to the house by his Majesty’s command, for enabling him increase the pay and allowance to seamen, &c. in conformity to an order of council on the 3d of May, 1797.—The house having resolved itself in the said committee.
Mr. Pitt rose, apparently much agitated and embarrassed.—He began by stating, that when any proposition was brought forward for an increase of the public expenditure, it might naturally be expected that he enter upon a detailed statement of the cause that led to that augmentation of pay and allowance in any of the services.—On the present occasion, however, he declared, that he did not find himself at liberty to enter into a detail of transactions:— [A loud call of— Hear! Hear!]—Observing how much this subject occupied the attention of the house, he felt himself obliged to say, that he must trust to their judgment in concurring to the motion, in preference to their entering into a statement of the events that had more recently happened, and if he could, he should feel a reluctance in doing it for whatever the extent of embarrassments might be, they were wholly, or in great degree, to be ascribed to misrepresentations. The utmost caution ought to be employed, to avoid even the possibility of misrepresentation. Nothing could, in his opinion, contribute so effectually to silence discontent as the unanimous decision of parliament. He therefore felt it his duty on public grounds, to entreat the silent judgment of the house. He then moved, that the sum of 536,000l. be granted to his Majesty to enable him to defray the encreased pay and allowance to seamen, and marines, &c. according to the distribution in the order of council, founded on the report of the Commissioners of the Admiralty, and also about 21,000l. for encreased expences already incurred.
The were read by the chairman; and, on the question for their being read a second time,
Mr. Fox rose and said, he should certainly agree the resolutions, but he should betray his duty to the country were he to give a silent vote. He differed from the Right Hon. Gentleman in his notions of confidence. Every question relative to the public expenditure ought to be fully discussed. It was not to discussion, he asserted, but to silence, that the house was to attribute the mischief that had happened. If that house had been the vehicle for redress, the discontents that happened in the Easter recess would probably have been averted; or if ministers had even deigned to lay the business before the house immediately after the recess, the subsequent discontents would not have occurred. “For this,” said Mr. Fox, “I hope that at a future period ministers will not only be considered as responsible, but will also be made seriously to answer.” The minister had alluded to misrepresentation of debates, but instead of discussion a profound silence had been observed, and the suspicions of the sincerity of ministers had ripened into revolt. Why, he desired to know, had they suffered a whole fortnight to elapse before any application was made for the interference of parliament? The consequences of this criminal conduct, which argued a degree of guilt and incapacity unparalleled in the annals of the country, would attach generally upon the house, were the resolutions to pass without remonstrance. These were not the times for reposing implicit confidence in any man, or fst of men, and least of all in his Majesty’s ministers, who had so often deceived the country.—It was the duty of house to enquire how far the Admiralty had acceded to the wishes of the seamen, and how far the seamen were satisfied. For his own part, all his knowledge of the business was collected from the newspapers. He wished therefore to know, from official information, how far at this particular moment, whether the remedy proposed was likely to be effectual in allaying the discontents. The house had a right to complete information, and if their privileges were not maintained, they were giving them up to men who had proved themselves unworthy of the confidence of the country.
Mr. Pitt said, on account of the delicacy of the subject, and the danger of misrepresentation, he had thrown himself upon the candour of the house. As the same reasons still operated, nothing that had been since urged should induce him to provoke further discussion, and the rather as he had the Right Hon. Gentleman’s declaration.—In consequence of that declaration he should conclude by putting the motion.
Mr. Fox said, he was convinced of the necessity of complying, but regretted the want of official information to ascertain the extent of the seamen’s claims, and the nature of the pledge given them for a compliance. The house was totally in the dark on the subject. If they called themselves representatives of the people, if they pretended to any love for their country, they were called upon to answer, whether ministers had given a fair and satisfactory explanation of their conduct.
Mr. Sheridan declared, that the circumstances of the case were such as to induce him to vote without information. The minister had alluded to the new mutiny, and said “Nothing can tend more towards the restoration of harmony than a unanimous vote.” He wished to know why he did not bring forward his proposition on the publication of his Majesty’s pardon? Instead of following up that instrument by the sanction of parliament, the business was suffered to rest on a mere promise of redress, and now that the mischief is done, the minister comes with a show and sullen pace for the parliament. He thought too highly of the character British seamen to suppose, that they would not return their duty, but thought that if the resolution of the house were accompanied with a vote of censure on ministers, it would have an exceedingly good effect.
Mr. Pitt declared, that the business was not brought on in consequence fresh disturbances; and contended that the previous notice was sufficient proof of the intention of government to apply to parliament for confirmation of their promises.
Mr. Sheridan contended that the second discontents were wholly to be ascribed to the procrastination of ministers.
Mr. Fox thought that the First Lord of the Admiralty had not been sufficiently urgent.
The resolutions were then agreed on the resumption of the house.
Mr. Pitt proposed, on account of the urgency of the business, that the report be now received.
This motion was agreed to and the report received.
Adjourned.
TUESDAY May 9.
SEAMEN.
Mr. Whitbread said, that in consequence of what had passed last night, and considering the impression of men’s minds relative to the disturbance at Portsmouth, he now rose, not to enter into the causes of the affair, but to press upon the Chancellor the Exchequer a question, which had been distinctly proposed to him by two of his honourable friends last night, and to which no answer had been made. He begged, to ask, why the proposition, moved last night, was not brought forward on an earlier day? Had this been done, the disastrous consequences which had taken place might have been prevented. Unless a satisfactory explanation was given of a delay so fatal in its consequences, and for which the Right Hon. Gentleman was responsible to the house and to the country, it was his intention to move a direct vote of censure against the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for neglect of duty in not submitting the subject sooner to the house.
Mr. Pitt said, that he was responsible for what he had done in his official capacity, and whenever that state of censure was proposed, it would be time to state to the house the circumstances upon which he should be ready to rest his justification. As to the question proposed by the Honourable Gentleman, undoubtedly, as far as misconception, and misrepresentation, of which great share had most probably taken place, had arisen from the sense of the house not having been taken upon the subject, and even judging, from what had happened, of the influence which this circumstance had produced, no man could lament more than he did that any delay had intervened. But it was a great mistake to imagine that no steps had been taken to forward the business, and to prepare it for being submitted the house. Upon the 29th of April the memorial of the Lords of the Admiralty, agreeably to the usual forms, had been referred to a committee of the council. That committee made their report, which was submitted to his Majesty. All these forms, which the regular conduct of the business required, necessarily consumed some time. After the approbation of the King was given, estimates were ordered to be prepared to be laid before the house. Meanwhile too the subject had been repeatedly before parliament, not for the purpose of an express vote, but in a way that shewed the business to be in train. He had expressly stated, that there would be a communication on the subject to enable the house to come to a vote, confidently with the usual forms. As early as the day on which the general state of the ways and means of the country was laid before the house, he had distinctly stated, that the provision then to be made was independent of any additional allowance. Thus, upon many occasions, such steps had been taken as to leave no doubt whatever of the intention of the executive government to submit the subject to parliament, as soon as the regular preliminary forms were observed. Certainly all that speed had not been employed, which, if any danger of misconception had been apprehended, might have been used, and which was to be lamented, if that delay had given room for the misrepresentations which have taken place, and the consequences which have ensued.—Such was the candid explanation of the delay which had taken place, and having given it to the house he left it to the Honourable Gentleman to bring forward his motion whenever he thought proper. He had now to inform the house, that in consequence of the vote last night, and of the general wish that the earliest opportunity should be given for the measure to produce the desired effect, by being put, as soon as possible, into the shape of an act of parliament, he was desirous that steps be taken, for procuring, as soon as possible, the assent of every branch of the legislature. For this purpose it was his intention immediately to submit a proportion to the house. It would be observed that there was part what was meant to be granted, which not being usually stated on estimate, was not comprehended in the vote, but which would be included in the act. Waving, for the present then, any discussion which was personal to himself, he hoped the house would see the propriety immediately coming to the subject to which he alluded.
Mr. Fox said that after the explanation which the Right Honourable Gentleman had given, he could not help saying that the delay complained of was an intolerable and fatal neglect of duty. In his opinion, ministers were guilty, not only judging that delay after the fact but before the fact. The history of the transaction was, that in Easter week complaints had existed in the fleet, meetings of delegates had taken place, and various other circumstances happened. A letter was written from the Admiralty upon the subject of these complaints, which stamped upon them a character of incapacity the most flagrant, or want of talents for acting upon a great and difficult crisis, unexampled in the annals of any administration. This letter not having produced any effect, a second had been sent, with which the seamen were said to be satisfied, and on which they were to return their duty. This transaction had taken place on Sunday morning the 23d of April. Under all the circumstances with which this affair was accompanied, he would submit to any impartial mind, whether this was an occasion for tardy forms and official delays? What was the duty of ministers then upon this occasion? Was it not their duty, after they had recognised the delegates with whom they had treated; after they had made a promise, to have lost no time in completing the transaction. Yet, in stating the rapidity with which he had acted in pursuance of the usual forms, it appeared that the first date of any step was the 26th of April, three days after the agreement had been made. Was not this a matter upon which the utmost dispatch ought to have been used? Delays till the opinion of council was taken! Good God! after a pardon had been proclaimed for what has passed, when the active part of the council were the men who had agreed to the transaction to be considered, and who were bound to carry it into affect, could there be any doubt of the opinion of council? was any delay necessary till it was pronounced? But even the order of council to which the tedious steps and formal proceedings were to lead, appeared on the 3d May, and five days elapsed before the subject was submitted to the house. Estimates, forsooth, were to be prepared! As if the minister could not guess what was to the nature of the order of council, and could not therefore give orders for estimates to be prepared! If this country be doomed to ruin, was ever country ruined by incapacity so gross, by misconduct so unparalleled? Was this a time to adhere to petty formalities, to procrastinate for the production of an estimate? The Right Hon. Gentleman said, he had it in contemplation to bring forward this subject; he had alluded to it in his speech upon the budget. But how were the seamen to judge, or to know his intentions? how were they to know that he was bound to bring forward the subject? Such was the elusory character of the Right Hon. Gentleman’s language, that it was often difficult even for the house to know by what he was to held, and to what extent he was bound. But consider the nature of the transaction, and the circumstances with which it was accompanied, and let any man say it was necessary for the Right Hon. Gentleman to suspend the business to give his clerks time to make out an estimate! But it might be said, why had not he himself, and those who thought with him, pressed the subject? He had indeed repeatedly urged the Right Hon. Gentleman; he was not sufficiently acquainted with the facts, and he expected every day it would be brought forward. He was ignorant how far the Admiralty had conceded, how far the delegates had given up any part of their demands; it was therefore impossible to move any thing upon the subject. He expected that not only estimates would have been produced, but that a full account of the transaction was to be communicated to the house; certainly he so understood the Right Hon. Gentleman, and many in the house understood him in the same way. The Right Hon. Gentleman had even mentioned the distance from Portsmouth as a cause of delay. If the affair related merely to money or arrangements previously settled, the distance from Portsmouth could have nothing to do with the delay. If the whole transaction was to be submitted to the house, the distance from Portsmouth might have been some reason for delay. If every thing was adjusted when the Lords of the Admiralty left Portsmouth, and wanted only confirmation, the guilt of those who allowed such an interval of delay to elapse, ought not to pass unpunished. After the fact, the Right Hon. Gentleman regrets its consequences; there were not many of his acts which, one time or other, the Right Hon. Gentleman would not have reason to repent. A conduct, however, to which was owing the loss of the innocent lives of men, whoever they were, who had fallen, whether high or low, men to whom the country was highly indebted, not to be passed over unnoticed by the house. Whatever were the feelings of regret experienced by the Right Hon. Gentleman for the delay that had taken place, he gave him a credit for the feelings he professed to have; what man indeed could exist conscious of the calamities his conduct had occasioned without feelings of regret? Yet that conduct, which was the cause of delays so fatal, ought not to pass without the marked disapprobation of the house. To oppose any measure which tended to expedite the final completion of the transaction, however, was no means his intention.
Mr. Whitbread said, after the unsatisfactory explanation given by Mr. Pitt, he should postpone the motion he intended to make no longer than till after the proposition now to be brought forward on the subject, was disposed of. The house certainly was not fully attended on the present occasion, but if the important crisis in which the country was placed, did not enforce the attendance of members, nothing he had to say could. Recollecting too the immense sums which had often been voted away by as small a number of members as now appeared, he did not feel himself blameable in bringing forward his motion even on so short a notice.
Mr. Sheridan said, he should himself, if his Hon. Friend had not given notice of it, have brought forward an immediate censure upon the King’s ministers for having delayed this measure but that he wished that nothing should now stand the way of passing the bill. The reason which the minister offered as an apology for the delay that had taken place, was not to be endured under the circumstances of the time. The minister now pretended to say that he waited for an estimate of the expence which would attend this measure. Did he really believe that the public were to be so insulted? He could have brought this estimate down to the house at the very hour after the King’s proclamation issued. He was ready enough to avoid all delay in granting the Imperial loan, nay, so anxious was he upon the measure, that he would not wait for three days, although it was notorious that intelligence was expected to arrive which would put the loan out of the question. He was ready enough also to use all due diligence to stop the payment of the Bank, and to cause the King to come to town at an unusual hour, and in the most extraordinary way, in order to issue the order in council for that purpose. But he saw nothing in this measure, upon which the very existence of the nation depended, that required haste. It was true indeed that in most cases where money was to be called from the people, the ministers’s promise was precisely the same thing as a vote of the House of Commons, at least there was reason for thinking so from former facts; but it was not wonderful that the sailors thought otherwise, for they judged more of what parliament ought to be than what it really was by its modern practice; and, therefore, unless the minister has lost his very superior intellect, it was impossible for him not foresee the consequences that followed. With respect to the notice of his Friend, he hoped he would not pursue it this day, because the minister might complain of the want of candour in bringing such a matter forward on a sudden. Be the claims of the sailors what they may, what was now proposed to be granted to them was nothing more than justice. At the same time that he said this, he must not omit to state distinctly his decided disapprobation of the mode in which these demands were insisted upon. If men were oppressed, they ought to be relieved by their country. But however just their complaints were, they ought to complain in a regular way. If there were any among them, as he believed there were, that advised the sailors to put their country into such peril as it stood in at this moment, for the mere purpose of having their objects carried, such men were the most base of traitors. He suspected there were person of this description, and the evil was of the most alarming kind, when the enemy were actually preparing in the most formidable manner against us. He thought that listening to the suggestions of such foes to this country would never have been the fault of the brave British seamen. The country were to look to the ministers for the great cause of all this; and we were now in a situation in which common measures would not do, and therefore he should have to propose one of an uncommon kind. If he was told that by proposing it, he encroached on executive government, he should answer that executive government had encroached upon the representative part already so much as to make his measure necessary. He thought, if the other house was sitting, the House of Commons ought to send it a message to desire their immediate concurrence to the appointment of a committee, consisting of a small number of the members of each house. It could not be a question on which any party feelings could operate; on this question there could be but one feeling; he should therefore propose that a joint committee be appointed — to have power to send for persons and papers—to sit from time to time, and to adjourn from place to place as occasion might require, and there could no difficulty as to the spot where they ought to be, and that they should proceed without any adjournment above eight hours from time to time, and commence without delay. He felt that this was the only measure by which we could extricate ourselves from this horrid calamity.
Mr. Whitbread said, that he had no difficulty on his own account to bring his motion forward immediately after this measure was disposed of, but on the suggestion of his Honourable Friend, he was content to postpone it till to-morrow.
Mr. Pitt said, that the time in which the motion alluded to by the Honourable Gentleman who spoke last, was brought forward, was to himself personally a matter of indifference, so that it did not interfere with the progress of the business which was now before the house. He was very little inclined to call for any intervention. But a question had been stated by another honourable gentleman (Mr. Sheridan,) which, if he understood it, was not only more important than any question could be which related to himself, but more important even than that which was now before the house. He would not tell the house, whether he intended to move it to-night. He knew not what he was to understand by a motion for a joint-committee of the two houses of parliament, except it was to supercede entirely all the functions of the executive government of this country. Thus, a moment of alarm and apprehension was to be seized to carry a measure that would change the fundamental form of our constitution. The Honourable Gentleman had not told the house when he would move it; when he did, he hoped he would explain what he meant by it; but it appeared to him to be nothing less than a committee that was to supercede, not the power of those who are at present his Majesty’s advisers, but the whole function of the executive government of this country, and to supercede the functions then of parliament, and the general law this of this land. On such a question, what would be the decision of the house, he would not suffer himself to doubt. He should now move, “That a message be sent to the Lords, that their lordships be desired to sit for some time longer.”
The question was then put for a message to the Lords, to desire them to continue sitting for some time, upon the suggestion of the Speaker, and passed.
Mr. Pybus having taken the message, and returned with the acquiescence of their lordships.
Mr. Pitt then moved, that a bill be brought on the resolution of yesterday, for the additional allowance to the seamen, &c. which being granted, the bill was brought in immediately and passed through all its stages, and carried to the Lords. The house sat until the message came to announce that the royal assent was be given to it by commission.
Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, May 10.
The Debtors Relief Bill was read a second time.
VOTE OF CENSURE.
Mr. Yorke, apparently with much earnestness, entreated Mr. Whitbread to postpone the motion of which he had given notice. To bring it forward at this critical conjuncture might be attended with much mischief; to postpone the discussion could not be productive of either danger to the country or inconvenience to the house.
Mr. Whitbread declared that he could not, confidently with his duty to himself, to the house, or to the country, accede to the request of the Hon. Gentleman. Procrastination had brought us in to our present dilemma, and it highly imported the country that the house immediately proceed to pass of censure on the minister, to shew that they were not parties to the mischief that had arisen from his misconduct.
Having said thus much, he proceeded to state the grounds on which he intended to establish his motion. In doing this, he took a review of all the transactions that have transpired on the unfortunate business, from the first symptoms of discontent to the late explosion, and contended, that, according to the negociation with the Admiralty, it was expressly stipulated on the part of the seamen, that the promise of the Lords of the Admiralty and the proclamation should be ratified by parliament with the utmost celerity and dispatch. This was shamefully delayed to Monday last, and to the criminal delay were to be ascribed the late discontents.
Had the minister been that class of plodding statesmen, who would not think themselves justified by any deviation from the usual routine business, they might have imputed the delay to the force of habit, and given him credit for the rectitude of his judgment; but when he had trampled under foot every principle of the constitution, in defiance of that house, to state as an apology his reluctance to dispense with the forms of office, would deemed a flimsy excuse for what had happened. That the seamen would have returned to their duty, had the agreement received the sanction of parliament speedily, was obvious, from the intelligence that had reached town this day. It was stated, that this had been the case on board the ships where the resolution of the house had been announced. Had that been done at an earlier period, therefore, the calamities which the house now deplored would not have happened. The time was coming, he said, when the causes must be amply investigated; and if it should appear that the ministers were a party to the disaster, he trusted they would meet with that condign punishment which they deserved. He concluded by moving, that the Right Hon. William Pitt having so long delayed the estimates of the seamen’s increased pay and allowance, is guilty of a gross neglect of duty, and deserves the censure of this house.”
Mr. Pitt said, whatever the nature of this transaction may turn out to be, he desired it might be understood that he by no means wished any share of blame to be transferred from him, or divided among those with whom he had the honour to act. I am willing personally to meet the accusation, says he, considering myself as responsible for every measure connected not only with finance, but with the general safety of the country. I do not, however, find it necessary to trouble the house much at length upon the other points connected with the question, because they lie within a short compass; besides, that the facts are already known to the house. The fair statement is shortly this; whether the executive government were in possession of grounds sufficient to enable them to infer that the delay which took place would be accompanied with danger to the country? The facts were these: on the 14th, not on the 23d April, as was stated by the Honourable Gentleman, we heard that the seamen on board the fleet had returned to their duty. On the 26th, after the intervention of a day, a memorial was presented to the privy council, containing the concessions which were proposed to be granted to the seamen. A committee was appointed to inquire into the subject of the memorial, and their report was delivered at the next ordinary council, which was held on the 3d of May, when these concessions were confirmed by his Majesty. Notice was given on Wednesday last, that the estimate would be laid before the house on Thursday, but the house not meeting on that day, they were presented on Friday, and ordered to be taken into consideration on the Monday following. At the time that the concessions were granted by the Lords of the Admiralty, at the time that the memorial was delivered to the privy council, at the time that the report was made, at the time that the concessions were confirmed by his Majesty, at the time that the estimates were presented, and at the time they were taken into consideration, there was unquestionable evidence that the executive government meant to complete their engagement. He never had heard the sincerity of ministers called in question, and indeed there could be no ground for a such a suspicion, for when the estimates were presented, the mutiny which had latterly taken place had not then begun.
He then stated, that this morning accounts had been received in town of the disposition of the seamen to return to their duty, but ministers were not yet in possession of authentic documents, to enable them to state the last with a degree of certainty. He expected, however, in a few hours, to receive intelligence of the completion his wishes on the subject. He concluded by stating, that whatever censure might be due to him, that the country would not be longer deprived of the exertions of the fleet.
Mr. Whitbread, in consequence of what had fallen from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, wished to amend his motion, by leaving out “The Hon. W. Pitt,” and inserting “His Majesty’s ministers.”
Mr. Pitt said, it was a matter of the utmost indifference, as far as it affected him personally, whether the censure was directed to him individually or jointly.
Mr. Whitbread said, the minister he considered as the efficient actor, and his colleagues acting in a very subordinate degree indeed.
The Speaker ordered the Chancellor the Exchequer to withdraw, as he could not be present when the question was put, on which the Hon. Gentleman withdrew, and the question was put, with a slight modification proposed by Mr. Fox, namely, “who had been the cause the delay.”
Mr. Rose, jun. urged the propriety of postponing this question. The accusation of the minister, he contended, was the effect of the party animosity, rather than a sincere wish to promote the interests of the country.
Mr. Martin said, he was not in general partial to ministers, but that should not influence his vote. He could not agree with those who attributed the mischief to the criminality of ministers, because it was so hostile to their own interests. He was rather inclined to ascribe it to incapacity or inadvertency, in neither of which cases could the delay, and the consequent disaster, be charged on the minister as a crime.
Sir W. Geary spoke in favour of the suggestion for postponing the motion. Those who asserted, that the seamen distrusted the ratification of their agreement, he said, did not do justice to them.
Mr. Yorke inferred, from the repeated amendments that had been made, that Mr. Whitbread did not even know against whom the accusation ought to be brought.
Mr. Fox, in reply to his Hon. Friend not knowing how to shape his motion, said, he had considered the Chancellor of the Exchequer as principally guilty, there not being any documents before the house to shew that any responsibility rested with his colleagues. With respect to the discontents, it had been insinuated that he (Mr. Fox) did not state the danger of delay. If he had, and the same consequences had resulted, he should have been told, that he was the cause of the transaction; and now that he did not do so, but contented himself with only pressing a communication on the subject, his conduct is urged as an argument for the acquittal of ministers. The question was, Whether there was not an extraordinary cause for extraordinary expedition, supposing the second discontent connected with the first discontents? Would it not have been preferable to vote the additional pay when all was quiet at Portsmouth? By this means, all those misconceptions would not have ripened into revolt.
Mr. Dundas entered upon a vindication of the conduct of himself and colleagues. He said, when the ships dropped down from Spithead to St. Helen’s, there was every reason to conclude that there was an end of the mutiny.
Mr. Whitbread made a general reply, and declared his firm intention to persist in his motion.
A division then took place, when there appeared,—For the motion 63, Against it 237.
Notwithstanding the mutineers’ assurances that they were still loyal to the King, and would respond to any threat against the Kingdom, when the fleet was ordered to sail out against the supposed sailing of a French fleet, the mutineers refused to weigh anchor.
In consequence of information having been received, May 1797
In Hampshire Chronicle, Saturday 13 May 1797.
HOME NEWS.
PORTSMOUTH.
In consequence of information having been received at the Admiralty, that the Brest fleet, consisting of 18 ships of the line, with a great number of transports having troops on-board, was anchored in the outer roads of Brest, orders were sent to Lord Bridport to put to sea immediately, and his instructions to that effect reached him on Sunday morning. His lordship made the Signal for weighing and putting to sea; but not a crew would act. It seems they had read the late conversation in the House of Lords, in which silence on the subject of the seamen’s complaints was so strongly recommended by the ministers and their friends, and they suspected there was a design of deceiving them; they thought ministers had no serious intention of having their demands sanctioned by the parliament. This was the reason they all refused to weigh anchor on Sunday morning; and now, finding themselves, by the call made upon them to put to sea, forced to a decisive line of conduct, they resolved to hold a convention of delegates on-board the London, lying at Spithead. For this purpose, the delegates from the different ships at St. Helen’s and at Spithead took to their boats, and proceeded to the London but, when they came along-side, Admiral Colpoys whose flag was flying on-board the London cautioned them against acting as they formerly had done. He told them they had asked a great deal and obtained much, and he would not suffer them to proceed to demand more. He said they ought to be contented, and if they offered meet in convention, he would order the marines to fire on them. The admiral had taken particular pains to gain the marines to his interest, in which he had been ably assisted by Lieutenant Sims, of that corps. The delegates however persisted: the admiral ordered the marines to level their pieces at the delegates; they did so, and in this situation the admiral again admonished the delegates, but to no purpose. A scuffle took place, the marines were ordered to fire, when William Baker, Richard Collins, John Pickering, and Charles Darrom were wounded; the three former died of their wounds on Monday in Haslar Hospital. The seamen fired on the officers, when Lieutenant Sims and another officer were wounded, and sent to the hospital. Mr. Sims has undergone amputation; the seamen on Tuesday sent an order to have the removed from Haslar Hospital, or they would come and hang him; they at the same time gave orders for their shipmates not to be buried, as they would perform that office themselves. When intelligence was brought of the death of the men at Haslar, the whole crew of the London declared open hostility to the officers of the ship, they turned the guns in the fore part of the ship towards the stern, and threatened to blow all aft into the water unless they surrendered. Admiral Colpoys was now confined in one cabin, and Captain Griffiths, his captain, in another. The greatest irritation now pervaded every ship throughout the fleet, the seamen declaring they would have blood for blood, and that the admiral should be hoisted to the yard-arm. Orders were accordingly issued by the Seamen for every ship in Portsmouth harbour and at Spithead to repair next day (Tuesday) to St. Helen’s, when two men were deputed from each ship to try the admiral. This trial, if it may be so called, took place on Wednesday, no officer was present, the tribunal was composed entirely of the seamen, and the following sent us as the verdict: “That in every part of his late conduct on board the London man of war, he conducted himself as became a British officer; he is therefore to resume the command of this ship or decline it, as he thinks proper.” Many of the officers were turned on shore on Monday and Tuesday; the boats’ crews that conducted them were each armed with a brace of pistols and a cutlass.
Monday, after receiving the above melancholy intelligence, a cabinet council was held, at which the Lord Chancellor and all the ministers were present, and it was resolved to send the ratification by the King in council of the agreement of government to the demands of the seamen. This ratification was decreed on the 3d instant in council; and an official copy of it was sent to Portsmouth on Tuesday. Mr. Powell also left town with copies of the above papers for Sir John Orde, at Plymouth; Mr. Winchester proceeded for Torbay, where Sir Roger Curtis’s squadron has returned from a cruize of Brest; and a third messenger went to our fleet at Yarmouth.
The gates of the garrison were shut on Wednesday and the bridges drawn up, soon after sun-set; field pieces were planted in different parts, the moats were filled, and every preparation made to defend the garrison as if it was about to undergo a formal siege. The troops that can be brought into action in a few hours notice amount from nine to ten thousand, and yet do no hear but the Seamen at St. Helen’s are perfectly satisfied with the augmentations granted by parliament.
Wednesday forenoon the coroner sat on the bodies of the three seamen who died in Haslar Hospital, in consequence of the wounds they received Saturday in the London, and, after a minute investigation of the circumstances, the jury brought in their verdict, “Justifiable Homicide.”
The bodies were brought from the hospital, to the Common Hard in the London’s launch, with the colours half staff high; a little before four, they were carried in solemn procession from the Hard to Kingston church-yard, where they were decently interred in the evening. Two colours preceded the first coffin, half staff high, and one each of the others; about fifty of their shipmates, and nearly as many women in black, walked two and two, and each of the coffins was attended by six women white. The whole was conducted in the most orderly manner, and the concourse of people to view the procession pass through Portsea, Halfway-houses, &c. was immense.
With infinite satisfaction we announce that the disagreeable disputes in the fleet may now be considered as terminated. All the crews except one, had returned to their duty on Thursday night; and there cannot be a doubt but that particular crew will speedily follow the good example set them by their brother tars in the rest of the fleet. Their requests having been all granted by an act of the legislature. We are happy in being enabled to state, that the crew of the London behaved with the utmost respect to Admiral Colpoys during his confinement, and repeatedly told him, that they had no intention of hurting him.
Some ill-founded reports having been circulated respecting the nature of the order of the Lords of the Admiralty, under which Vice-Admiral Colpoys acted, when overpowered by the crew of the London, we insert, for the satisfaction of the public, a correct copy of the order alluded to, by which it will appear that the construction given to the last paragraph, “of its having rendered the King’s pardon, granted the seamen and marines, of no avail,” could be applied to it by persons only who have a desire of farther misleading these deluded people, the order itself bearing no retrospect to any proceeding antecedent to the time it was given, but being calculated only to prevent disturbances and discontent in future.
Whereas, from the disposition lately shewn by the seamen belonging to several of his Majesty’s ships, it is become highly necessary that the strictest attention should be paid by all officers in his Majesty’s naval service, not only to their own conduct, but to the conduct of those who may be under their orders, the more effectually to induce a proper subordination and discipline, and to prevent, as far as may be, all discontent among the seamen, your Lordship is hereby directed to be particularly careful to enforce, so far as the same may depend you, and to give orders to the officers employed under your command to enforce, ail the regulations for the preservation discipline and good order in his Majesty’s navy, which are at present established for that purpose; and you are more especially to give the following directions, viz.
That the flag officers of the squadron under your command do frequently muster the crews of the ships belonging to their respective divisions; that the captains and commanders of the ships and vessels of your squadron. never be absent themselves, nor allow any officers under their orders to be absent from on board their respective ships for twenty-four hours at any one time, without our permission, or leave obtained from yourself for that purpose.
That all flag officers, captains, and other officers, do wear their respective uniforms, not only while they are on board the ships to which they belong but also when they are on shore or near any seaport town.
That the captains and commanders of his Majesty’s ship’s and vessels do cause the articles of war to be read on board their respective ships to the companies thereof, at least once in very month, agreeably to their instructions; that they also see that the arms and ammunition belonging to the marines be constantly kept in good order, and fit for their immediate service, as well in harbour as at sea; and that they are future to be very careful to rate the ships’ companies according to the merits of the men, in order that those who may not be deserving thereof may not receive the pay of able but ordinary seamen.
That particular attention be paid to the regulations relating to the cutting up of fresh beef, that choice pieces be never purposely selected for the officers from that which is cut up for the company and that choice pieces of salt meat be never taken for the officers out of the tub or vessels from which it may be served to the ship’s company.
That officers do not select casks of the best wine or spirits for their own use from those intended for the ship’s company, nor exchange any wine or spirits of their own for that which has been sent on board for the use of the ships.
That the captains and commanders of his Majesty’s ships do strictly enjoin the surgeons belonging to their respective ships not to take out of the ship any part of the medicines or necessaries intended for the use of the sick, but strictly to apply them to the purposes for which they were sent on board.
That the captains and commanders of his Majesty’s ships be particularly attentive to the conduct of the men under their command, and that they be ready, on the first appearance of mutiny, to use the most vigorous means to suppress it, and to bring the ringleaders to punishment.
Given, &c. the 1st of May, 1797.
(L. S.) At the Court of St. James’s, the third of May, 1797. Present, the King’s most Excellent Majesty in council.
Whereas there was this day read at the board a report from a committee of the Lords of most Honourable Privy Council, viz.
Your Majesty having been pleased, by your order of council of the 26th instant April, to refer unto this committee a memorial from the Right Hon. the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty in the words following, viz.
“May it please your Majesty,
“Having taken into our consideration the situation of the petty officers, seamen, landmen, and marines, serving on board his Majesty’s ships, in respect to the wages, and proportion of provisions, allowed to them when serving on board your Majesty’s said ships: and having consulted some of the most intelligent officers in your Majesty’s naval service, upon these points, we find they agree in opinion with us, that the great increase in the price of every article of life since the present rate of wages was established, it may be for the advantage of your Majesty’s service, and an encouragement to seamen to enter on board your Majesty’s ships, that their situation be made more comfortable by some increase to their present allowance of wages and provisions; we do most humbly propose to your Majesty, that an addition be made to the wages of the several petty officers, able seamen, ordinary seamen, landmen, and marines, and to the allowances of provisions to them, the officers and others, serving in your Majesty’s fleet, according to the plan, and subject to the regulations hereafter mentioned, viz.
“That an addition of 5s. 6d. per month, be made to the present wages of the petty officers and able seamen belonging to your Majesty’s fleet.
“That an addition of 4s. 6d. per month, be made tp the wages of ordinary seamen.
“That an addition 3s. 6d. per month, be made to the wages of landmen.
“That the allowances, usually called consolidated allowances, made to marines when serving on shore, viz. to serjeants, corporals, and drummers, at the rate of 2d. and to privates, at the rate 2 1/4d. per diem, be continued to be made to them when embarked and serving on board your Majesty’s ships.
“That all petty officers, able seamen, ordinary seamen, landmen, and marines, who may hereafter be wounded in action with the enemy, do receive the full amount of their wages until their wounds be healed, or until, being declared incurable, they shall receive a pension from the chest at Chatham, or be admitted into the Royal Hospital at Greenwich.
“That a practice which has hitherto prevailed, of deducting one eighth part of certain articles of an provision as an indemnification for leakage or waste, be discontinued, and that the full allowance of provisions be issued to the crews of your Majesty’s said ships, without any deductions whatsoever, on account of the leakage or waste; and that until such time as this regulation can be carried into effect, short-allowance money be paid the crews of such ships in lieu thereof.
“And lastly, That these regulations should take place and be in force from the 24th of this month.
“Which is nevertheless most humbly submitted.
ADMIRALTY-OFFICE
APRIL 27th, 1797.
SPENCER, P. STEPHENS. L.GAMBIER. R. YOUNG.”
The Lords of the Committee, in obedience to your Majesty’s said order of reference, have thus taken the said memorial into consideration, and do humbly agree to report, as their opinion, to your Majesty, that they concur in opinion with the said Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and recommend to your Majesty to order that the Commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of Great Britain, &c., do give directions to the principal Officers and Commissioners of the Navy, for preparing an estimate of the charge for carrying into execution what is proposed in the said memorial, and that such estimate should be laid before your Majesty in council.
His Majesty having taken the said report into consideration, was pleased with the advice of the Privy Council to approve thereof, and to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the Commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral Great Britain, &c. do give directions to the principal Officers and Commissioners of the Navy, for preparing an estimate of the charge of carrying into execution what is proposed in the said memorial, and present the same to his Majesty at this board.
W. Fawkener.
This week the following singular circumstance happened on board his Majesty’s ship in this harbour: the armourer and a man on board having a dispute, blows ensued, and, while fighting both fell over the ship’s side into the tide, and, though every assistance was instantly rendered to them, we are sorry to say, the armourer was drowned.
As the mutiny at Portsmouth came to an end, Lord Howe, whose failure to address the concerns raised in the initial letters to him earlier in the year had in no small part led to the mutiny, went down to Portsmouth to take the credit for having resolved the situation.
Lord Howe takes the credit, May 1797
In Cambridge Chronicle and Journal, Saturday 20 May 1797.
MUTINY at PORTSMOUTH
Dispatches were received at the Admiralty on Friday from Admiral Lord Bridport and Admiral Earl Howe, dated on board the Royal George, the flag ship of the Commander in Chief, at St. Helen’s. They contain the pleasing intelligence that the several crews, sensible of their past errors, and thankful for the bounty and liberality lately extended to them by his Majesty and by Parliament, have returned to their duty, and expressed their wish to proceed to sea immediately, to face the enemies of their country. Earl Howe went on board most of the ships on Friday morning, and, after promising, in the name of the King, a general pardon for their past conduct, provided they submitted without delay to the orders of their Officers, earnestly exhorted them not to sully that fair fame which their attention to the necessary rules of discipline and subordination required from them, by resisting any longer the authority of their Commanders, who had so often led them on to victory and to glory. His Lordship was received in the most respectful manner, and the sailors, confiding in his Lordship’s promise of a full and perfect amnesty, declared their unconditional submission to their Officers, requested that such of them as had been sent on shore might forthwith resume their commands, and agreed to put to sea without any further remonstrance. The Mars continued to display the Blue Flag, the signal of mutiny, for some time after it had been pulled down by other ships; and it was not until the crew were threatened with force by the remainder of the fleet that they consented to return to their duty. Most of the seamen complain bitterly of having been deluded by the artifices of designing men, and promise to make due atonement for their past errors by their future conduct.
On the receipt of the dispatch from Earl Howe, Lord Spencer went to St. James’s, and laid its contents before his Majesty, who was pleased to give the fullest sanction to the proceedings of the Noble Earl; and a Messenger was immediately sent off for Portsmouth with letters signifying the same.
Portsmouth, May 14. On this day week I took up my pen to inform you of the re-appearance of dissatisfaction and discontent among the Seamen in the Fleet — I now resume my pen, to assure you that every thing is finally and satisfactorily adjusted: and the following you may RELY upon as FACT.
Lord Howe, who arrived here with full and plenary power to enquire into and settle the matters in dispute, has been indefatigable in directing his attention and best exertions in the only and proper mode in which his endeavours were likely to be crowned with success, viz. personal application to, and interviews with the Delegates; by which means, he informed himself thoroughly of all their grievances, which enabled him to apply the proper remedies; and I am happy to say he has effected a perfect cure.
This day, at half-past eleven, A. M. the Delegates all landed from St. Helen’s: and immediately a report flew like electricity through the town, that every thing in the fleet was accommodated.
About half-past twelve, Lord Howe came on shore in the Port Admiral’s barge; he was received by Sir P. Parker, and the surrounding multitude, with silent but heartfelt applause and satisfaction. On the parade he was met by Lady Howe, Sir W. Pitt and Lady, with many Officers of the Garrison; and they passed on to the Governor’s house — just by the door of which, Joyce, one of the principal Delegates, approached Lord Howe, and asked him at what hour in the morning (of to-morrow) he would embark: his Lordship replied, their time should be his; and seven o’clock, on account of the tide’s serving, was the hour fixed on. Joyce next asked Lady Howe, if she would not honour them with her company, as her Ladyship would be perfectly safe, and had not any cause for the least apprehension; she replied, she would most assuredly do herself that pleasure, and should commit herself to their care with the most perfect confidence and heartfelt satisfaction. Lord Howe then invited Joyce into the Governor’s house, to drink a glass of wine; which invitation was readily accepted, with a manly freedom, unaccompanied with the least particle of familiarity and rudeness.
To-morrow morning, at seven, the barges of the fleet are to be manned, and assembled at the Sally-port, at which hour Lord Howe and his suite embark, accompanied by the Delegates; from whence they proceed in order, and row round every ship at St. Helen’s, with colours flying, and music playing “RULE BRITANNIA;” the ships are to man yards, &c. and, as they pass round, fire a salute, and give three cheers — when every man returns to his duty.
On Tuesday morning, all Officers are to go on board their respective ships: and all those who shall be pointed out by the Delegates as obnoxious to the crews, are to be superseded by the Admiralty. Every other complaint is to be redressed; and an amnesty under the King’s Sign-manual, distributed through the Fleet; & not a syllable of what has passed is ever to be mentioned by Officers to the Men, or by Men to the Officers, as a matter of reproach, insult, or triumph.
A few hours ago a Messenger arrived from the Admiralty with the King’s Proclamation for a general Pardon. He also brought with him the following Declaration of Pardon of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty:—
By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.
Whereas his Majesty hath been most graciously pleased to issue his Royal Proclamation, dated the 11th instant, and thereby to declare that all such Seamen and Marines on board any ships of the fleet, who may have been guilty of any act of mutiny or disobedience of orders, or neglect of duty, and who have returned, or shall, upon notification of such his Majesty’s Proclamation, return to the regular and ordinary discharge of their duty, shall be discharged and released from all prosecutions, imprisonments, and penalties, incurred by reason of any act of mutiny or disobedience of orders, or any breach or neglect of duty previously committed by them or any of them:
And whereas it is our intention, that on no occasion hereafter the minds of the Seamen and Marines to whom the benefit of the same Proclamation has been extended, shall be disquieted by any reproof or reproach in respect of all or any such acts of mutiny, disobedience of orders, or breach or neglect of duty, as before-mentioned, but that a total oblivion of such offences should as far as possible obtain, in consequence thereof; we have therefore thought fit by these our Orders, to signify such meaning and intention to the several Flag Officers, Captains, Commanders, and all their subordinate Officers in the Fleet; and they are hereby required and directed to conform to these our Orders and Intentions accordingly.
Given under our hands the 14th day of May, 1797.
SPENCER,
GAMBIER,
YOUNG.
To the several Flag Officers, Captains and Commanders of his Majesty’s Fleet.
Portsmouth, May 15. Admiral Earl Howe, having settled the mutiny in the fleet, to the entire satisfaction of the seamen, his Lordship landed at the Sally-port at six o’clock: on passing the platform he received a salute from the Battery, as also from the whole of the Garrison, which was drawn up on the walls. Not less than ten thousand people met his Lordship with the greatest acclamations. Sir W. Pitt’s carriage was in waiting to receive his Lordship; but British Seamen, having come to a true sense of their duty, would not suffer him to proceed in the carriage, but carried him in triumph in a chair, the Marine band playing “RULE BRITANNIA.”
[From another Correspondent.]
This has been one of the most joyful days this town has experienced for a number of years. It was ushered in by a procession of the Delegates of the Fleet at seven o’clock, who, attended with bands of music, proceeded in the most orderly manner to the Government House, where they were received in the Balcony first, and soon introduced to the Governor, Lord Howe, Ladies Howe and Pitt, and other gentry. At eight o’clock, the Governor, Lord Howe, Admiral Sir Peter Parker, and the Ladies went off in a barge, accompanied by a barge from each ship, containing each Ship’s Delegates. They rowed to St. Helen’s to every ship, where Lord Howe and the other distinguished persons above-mentioned were received by every ship with the most hearty cheers; thence they returned to Spithead, where, after staying about five hours, the complaints of Sir Roger Curtis’s fleet were redressed, and we are happy to say, that every ship has returned to subordination and duty. — Seventeen sail of the line certainly go to sea to-morrow morning.
Lord Howe is just returned from Spithead; on his coming near the shore, the saluting battery fired eleven guns; the West Kent, Dorset, and Gloucester Militia, and the Portsmouth Loyal Volunteers, were stationed on the Ramparts, and in rotation fired three vollies. On his landing, the Delegates carried his Lordship on their shoulders to the Government House, and his Lordship’s carriage was soon filled with other Delegates, who are all gone to the Government House to dinner.
Many thousand persons attended this grateful scene, which has returned for the protection of the country its greatest bulwark and defence.
Shortly after the crew of the Royal Sovereign had sent Vice-Admiral Gardner and three of his Lieutenants on shore, they sent to the Admiral to beg his return on board, at the same time objecting to one of his Lieutenants. He returned for answer, that he would not return but with all his Officers. The men, after deliberating for some time, sent to the Admiral, begging him to return to the ship upon any terms he pleased; and in consequence of a deputation from the crew of his ship, praying forgiveness, he and all his Officers have returned on board the Royal Sovereign, and so have many other Officers of different ships. On going on board, the crew gave him three cheers, and he addressed them in a very pathetic speech, telling them that it was his determination to see justice done to all parties, both Officers and Seamen; and that he hoped the future good conduct of the men would be the means of obliterating from his remembrance all that had passed.
Admiral Colpoys’s conduct has been, in every instance, noble and manly. The Seamen of the London, in the first burst of their revenge for the death of their comrades, were about to hang the first Lieutenant of the ship, and had actually prepared a rope for that purpose. The Admiral nobly called out to them to give him a hearing for five minutes, when he addressed them in nearly the following terms:
“My Lads,
“Though you have thus flown in the face of lawful authority, and trampled under foot the duty you owe to me as your Commander, you are sufficiently acquainted with discipline, though you will not practise it, to know, that this gentleman whom you are about to treat so ignominiously and unjustly, has done no more than his duty; that he was bound under pain of death to obey my orders, and that he has done nothing from his own head or authority. Can you then be so unjust, so cruel, as to rob him of his life for an act that was mine? Martial law would have doomed him to death, if he had disobeyed me, and you want to put him to death, because in obedience to the laws of his country, he has executed the orders of his superior Officer. He had no will of his own; he must have obeyed me or forfeited his life for disobedience. Can you, then, be so barbarous as to single out for your vengeance, a man circumstanced as he is? If you are bent upon murder, if your fury must have a victim, here I stand ready to die: the act was mine, let the consequence of it also be mine; involve not in them this innocent and faithful Officer; spare him, and I shall die contented.”
The magnanimity of this conduct operated so powerfully upon the feelings of the men, as they immediately released the Lieutenant, and only committed the Admiral to his cabin.
The following Address has been published by the crew of the Robust:
“Robust, May 11, 1797.
“The favours and goodness our Officers confer upon us are such as can be equalled by few Officers in the fleet, and that is our just and grateful sense of the Officers of his Majesty’s ship Robust. Is there a man so poor in spirit that praises such as we have, without imitating the actions worthy of them?
“How pleased would be the toils of war, did all employed in it meet with the same recompence! It is our deeds alone render us worthy their indulgence, and preserve their good opinion. To inform you wish how much ardency we wish to serve them, if ever accidents fall in our way, we are thoroughly resolved to lead them into the paths of glory; and they may rest assured that all of us will rejoice in an opportunity of testifying our duty, affection, gratitude, and submission, which we flatter ourselves they will not hereafter disapprove.
“We are, with the utmost respect and submission, your Honours eternally devoted servants,
“Robust Ship’s Company.”
All our letters from Portsmouth concur in stating that the second mutiny on board the fleet was occasioned by the seditious Emissaries at that port, who assured the sailors, that, from what had been said in Parliament on the subject of their demands, it was clear that Government were not sincere in their promises, and that, if they consented to go, they would find themselves completely deceived.
The diabolical spirit in the Fleet has been kept up, it is confidently said, by some infernal villains on shore, it being now discovered that very few of the Seamen were really disaffected. On board some of the three-decked ships, not more than ten; in others, not exceeding thirty. The Seamen of the Mars had themselves fixed on one of their Crew to be tried by a Court Martial, for inflaming their minds by false assertions. On board the Sovereign, the King’s Proclamation was nailed to the mast: some infernal scoundrel cut out God Save the King: the Seamen have offered Fifty Guineas Reward for the discovery, and swear they will hang the man the instant he is detected.
The Seamen on board the Duke broke open the Spirit-room, and getting intoxicated, indulged in every riotous excess.
The Landmen, raised in the different parishes, were the principal leaders in the mutiny. A more convincing proof there cannot be, than that of about 110 men taken out of the Royal William by the London’s people down to St. Helen’s, there was not one seaman; for the whole of them were sea-sick by the little motion of the Tender which carried them down.
Joyce, Holyoak, and Glynn, have said, that Lord Howe was the only man who could have settled the points in dispute, as he perfectly understood the matters complained of; and the manner in which he has settled them will crown him with more laurels, and do his Country more real good, than the celebrated splendid victory on the First of June.
The celebrations were widely reported.
One of the most joyful days, May 1797
In Norfolk Chronicle, Saturday 20 May 1797.
Tuesday and Wednesday’s Posts.
LONDON, TUESDAY MAY 16.
THE influence Earl Howe, whom the seamen venerate with degree of filial love, has had its effect, and we rejoice to announce the complete return of the fleet to obedience and discipline. The Noble Earl undertook to be their mediator with his Majesty for a pardon and oblivion of all that has happened, upon condition of submission to their officers, and an engagement made through the organ of their delegates, that they should in future co-operate with their commanders in enforcing subordination, and in checking the first appearances of mutiny. A conference was held on board the Royal William, at which all the Admirals and Captains assisted, and received from the delegates the required engagement. In consequence of this a messenger was dispatched to the London, soliciting the King’s pardon, and on Sunday the following proclamation was issued under the King’s Sign Manual, and was sent down by a messenger to Portsmouth.
By the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.
Whereas his Majesty hath been most graciously pleased to issue his Royal Proclamation, dated the 11th instant, and thereby to declare that all Seamen and Marines on board any ships of the fleet, who may have been guilty of any act of mutiny, or disobedience of orders, or neglect of duty, and who have returned, or shall upon notification of such his Majesty’s Proclamation, return to the regular and ordinary discharge of their duty, shall be discharged and released from all prosecutions, imprisonments, and penalties, incurred by reason of any act of mutiny, disobedience of orders, or any breach or neglect of duty committed by them or any of them.
And whereas we think proper that no expressions of reproof or reproach in respect of any or all such acts of mutiny, disobedience of orders, or neglect of duty as before-mentioned, shall be urged to disquiet the minds of the seamen and marines to whom the benefit of the said Proclamation has been extended, and mean that a total oblivion of such offences should as far as possible obtain, in consequence thereof: the several flag Officers, Captains, and Commanders, and all their Subordinate Officers in the Fleet, are hereby required and directed to pay all due regard to these our orders and intentions accordingly. Given under our hands the 14th day of May, 1797.
SPENCER, GAMBIER, YOUNG.
To the several Flag-Officers, Captains and Commanders of his Majesty’s Fleet. By command of their Lordships, MARSDEN.
Lieut. Justice, of the Navy, arrived at the Admiralty on Saturday, from the Nore, with an account of a mutiny having broke out on board the Sandwich guard-ship, and that the mutineers had turned him and several other officers on shore.
…
The following are the particulars of the ceremony which took place Portsmouth, on the final adjustment of the disturbances there:
Portsmouth, May 15.— This has been one of the most joyful days this town has experienced for a number of years. It was ushered in by a procession of the Delegates of the Fleet at seven o’clock, who, attended with bands of music, proceeded in the most orderly manner to the Government House, where they were first received in the balcony, & soon after introduced to the Governor, Earl Howe, Ladies Howe and Pitt, and other Gentry. At eight o’clock the Governor, Earl Howe, Admiral Sir Peter Parker, and the Ladies, went off in a barge, accompanied by one from each ship, containing the ship’s Delegates. They rowed to St. Helen’s to every ship, where Lord Howe, and the other distinguished persons who accompanied him, were received with the most hearty cheers. Thence they returned to Spithead, where, after staying about five hours, the complaints of Sir Roger Curtis’s fleet were redressed; and we are happy to say, that every ship has returned to subordination and duty.
“At Five o’Clock, Ladies Howe and Pitt, Sir William Pitt and General Culyer, returned in the Royal William’s barge. At Six o’Clock, His Lordship returned, accompanied by a boat from each ship, forming three lines a-breast, in the most regular order; the Royal standard on the platform was hoisted as the procession passed, accompanied by a Royal salute and a feu de joie the West Kent, South Devon, and Marines, from the walls of the garrison. The horses were taken from his Lordship’s carriage by the populace. His Lordship was taken from his barge in a chair, and carried by the Seamen to the Governor’s house, with the Union Jack-flying over his head, amidst the most heartfelt acclamations of joy, by the greatest concourse of people that ever was remembered to have been seen in this place.”
Thus has the second mutiny, which threatened the total ruin of the Empire, been put a stop to by the dignified character of a single individual. Much gratitude is due from the British nation to Lord Howe for his services on former occasions, particularly at St. Cas, and the glorious 1st of June, 1794; but far more for conciliating the British seamen, and restoring subordination in the fleets.
With the mutiny over, the fleet could now set sail.
The fleet sets sail, May 1797
In Manchester Mercury, Tuesday 23 May 1797.
PORTSMOUTH, May 17, six o’Clock in the Evening.
THIS morning at six o’clock Admiral Lord Bridport sailed from St. Helen’s with the whole of the fleet, consisting of the Royal George, Queen Charlotte, London, Duke, Pompee, Royal Sovereign, Terrible, Defense, Glory, L’Impetueux, Monarch, Defiance, Robust, Ramilies, Minnotaur, Marlbro, and Mars, men-of-war; and La Nymph and other frigates, with a fine breeze at South East.
Seven o’clock in the Evening.. The wind coming about to the West, the fleet, it is expected, will return to St. Helen’s, but there is no appearance of them yet.
As well as their regular correspondent’s reports, the press also managed to add examples of correspondence from some of the mutineers to their coverage.
Dear Parents, June (April) 1797
In Cambridge Intelligencer, Saturday 17 June 1797.
ORIGINAL LETTERS LATELY RECEIVED FROM THE FLEET AT PORTSMOUTH.
Saint Helen’s, April 28, 1797.
DEAR PARENTS,
I received yours, and my intention was to answer it the same day, but the shipping being in such a mutinous state, I found it impossible to do as I could wish; for they would not suffer a letter to go out of the ship without being opened, and, I do assure you I never have been on shore this fortnight, nor any of the officers. The sailors began first cheering three times from each ship, and then took command of the shipping, seventeen sail of the line besides frigates; they then made a signal for a boat from each ship to give instructions, which was soon answered by all the fleet, and they agreed to make every man take an oath, to be true to the whole fleet, and by the next day there were upwards of eighteen thousand attested, myself amongst the rest. The different ships companies appointed twelve men in each ship to sit as a committee, and behold they insisted on me being one, which I readily complied with; we sat nearly all day, and they appointed proper sentries over us that we might not be interrupted by the rest of the ship’s company; we then thought it proper to appoint two representatives or delegates, to go with the Articles we made out each day: we drew up two petitions to his Majesty to remove PITT, but it was not agreed on to send them. You no doubt have seen in the papers copies of the other petitions we sent respecting seamen’s wages, provisions; &c, the chief of which was granted them, as indeed could not be avoided, for they made an absolute demand of their requests in the following manner:— at the conclusion of each petition it was unanimously agreed by the fleet, and their final answer and determination was, not to put to sea, or lift anchor, until satisfactorily redressed by the law of this country, and then a proclamation of the King’s tree pardon. I do assure you it was astonishing, to see with what kind of form, regularity, and decorum, everything we took in hand was conducted: not even a single man was seen in liquor during the whole transaction. We night and morning gave then marks of our approbation in the cause by cheering three times, which was answered in as warm a return. It really was a delightful sight to see the rigging of each ship crowded with men: you might see thousands of the inhabitants on shore assemble to view them: the hospital which is called Haslar hospital, for sick and wounded men, was crouded with about six hundred men, and when they heard the repeated cheering, without knowing the intentions the seamen were upon, they assembled in the middle of the hospital yard at the time the shipping cheered, and formed a National Flag with neck handkerchiefs, and the bandages from off their sores, and danced round it with repeated cheering; they then took possession of the hospital, which put the people on shore in alarm, when we heard of it we made out a statement of instructions for them to go by.— I am sorry I cannot be more accurate in my sending you the particulars, but I have this to tell you, that my Master did not disapprove of my conduct in the least, in taking it in hand: we have this day been attempting to get out to sea, but were obliged to put back, owing to the scantiness of the wind, and it is also somewhat against us, but is getting round, so tomorrow, I expect, we shall leave here. During the whole of our late transaction, we never hurt any man, only dipt some overboard for neglect of paying attention; no officer was molested, but such as had used the men ill before, and they were sent ashore.
[Letter followed by a second one, that also appears in Chester Courant - Tuesday 27 June 1797 — with a shorter introduction and some omissions. ]
[From another hand.]
DEAR PARENTS, St. Helens, May, 1797.
I sent you a letter dated April 20, and I sent one at the same time to my father, and desired him to send you a copy of a letter how we were going on. I hope you have received his letter, as I dared not send you one, as all the letters were stopped just after I sent this. I hope you have not been unhappy about us. I will now tell you the whole truth and proceedings. Last December I received a letter from the Royal George on Christmas Day from one of my old ship-mates. What they wanted, viz. two shillings a month advance of wages. I passed this to every birth in the ship; all hands agreed it. We drew up a petition, and sent it to Earl Howe; he took no notice of it. [He Lordship has since satisfactorily explained HIS OWN conduct.] On February 18, we sent him another, and to the Lords of the Admiralty;—no answer. I, as well as the rest, made it known to all the fleet in as secret a manner as possible, and Easter Tuesday was the day fixed to rise through the whole fleet at eight in the morning, and any ship that refused was to be sunk immediately. Our officers got hint of it, and our Second Lieutenant called all hands, and told us we should have liberty to go on shore next week, and several more deceitful promises as before, we gave him three cheers, and the other ships hearing us, they thought we had begun; they ran up the rigging, but they did not cheer: at three that afternoon, Saturday, April 15, the signal was made for us to unmoor, we all went between the decks and gave three cheers, and lowered the ports; the other ships heard us, they manned, and the whole fleet, in ten minutes, gave three cheers, twenty two thousand men all of one mind! this was a dreadful, but most glorious sight; now we knew every man’s mind. At eight, Easter Sunday morning, we sent up top-gallant yards. We now demanded the keys of the magazine, and all the keys of the ship—our Captain resigned them. We now all cleaned ourselves and went to prayers, and a sermon was preached; and while that was preaching, a boat went from every ship and formed a line, and took two men from every ship, chosen by the company, to go on board the Queen Charlotte to settle every thing; we called them delegates; after church was over, we rove two ropes at our fore yard arms, to hang the first man that flinched: this alarmed our officers; we now chose two privy counsellors, and a committee. I was chosen president of the committee composed of six men. At four that afternoon, we held a court-martial to try our Captain and all our Officers. I was mounted on a stage on the forecastle, like a judge; we now ordered every Officer to assemble— the Captain first; he made a long speech, and we gave him answer, reprimanded him, and let him go. We tried all the rest, and we sent on shore our Doctor, two Lieutenants, two Masters’ Mates, three Midshipmen, and were very near hanging our Purser, but we cleared him. We tried our Parson next, gave him a severe reprimand, made him take our oath, and never to get drunk more; to read prayers and preach a sermon every Sunday. I passed his sentence. We tried the Boatswain, and he was cast by consent of all hands; our rope going round his neck, his little son cried, and asked me what we were going to do with his daddy?—I thought of my little fellows, it cut me to the heart to hear his little innocent son speak— he could not speak himself—his son is about seven, and knowing me better than any other person, he cried to me. I called our committee and council aside, and begged his life, he having a wife and four small children on shore—it was done. The next was Mr. ————, our Carpenter, who behaved so well to you.— Every Carpenter said there was a charge against him. It cut me when I saw him down on his knees, and the tears running down his wrinkled face, and his white hair and bald head— a man who had been round the world, and twenty-eight years in the service, an able workman, to be tried by British tars: — He asked our pardon, and made several long speeches, and said he was obliged to support a mother eighty-nine years of age, a wife, and seven sons and daughters. All this I weighed in my mind, and his kind behaviour to you when you was on board. I begged his life, and he was reprieved, taking our oath never to strike a man, nor complain of any man, as did the Boatswain. I had very near been hanged myself, for shewing such partiality to both of them. We tried the Gunner, Surgeon, Mate, &c. and after all was over, made them ail stand in a line, and take our oath, beg our pardon, and we reprieved them; and sent the others on shore, to be dismissed his Majesty’s service for ever. My father’s letter will explain to you some of our laws. No officer to leave the without leave of the Captain of the Forecastle; and the committee to consent to no woman to go on shore, but as many may come on board as choose; and to cheer every night and morning, as well as the men on the gang way, the small boys on the mast head on the truck, every one on their station on the yards and rigging, and three cheers at eight in the morning. We had a gulling ready for any officer refusing our orders, and a furnace, which alarmed them. We punished twenty-two men and one woman in our ship; the men for getting drunk with our small beer, were hauled up to the yard-arm and ducked three or four times, letting them fall about 70 feet. A lieutenant made the above whore drunk; he was sent ashore and dismissed, and she ducked. We sent a petition to Lord S. and the Lords of the Admiralty—if they did not comply with our terms on Saturday, we would batter down the fort, burn the Dock-yard, and knock down the towns of Portsmouth and Gosport: this news brought them down, and Lord S————— begged to come on board. We sent him for answer, we would hang him if he came; he begged of us not to destry the town and yard, and he to agreed some of our terms, and set off for London, but we would not agree to go to sea without granting us as follows, viz. half the ship’s company to go on shore on liberty, when in harbour; no flour to be served out when in harbour without fresh Meat; Prize-money to be regularly shared from an Admiral to an officer’s boy, and to have sixteen ounces to the pound meat, bread, flour, cheese, and beer measure. Our Wine, Rum, and all of better quality, and this fleet never to be parted or drafted. Our provisions and liquors are now half as much more as before, being then only nine ounces to the pound; and we farther demanded all the Officers in this fleer, being near Two hundred, never to be in his Majesty’s service more; and that Greenwich pensioners should be 10l. instead of 7l. per annum, and that as soon as any man is wounded, to commence pay, and every line-of-battle ship to have a Minister, and no man to be beat with a cane or rope, but with a cat of nine-tails unknotted, and not to have more than two dozen at a time; and until all this is granted, and an Act of Parliament and his Majesty’s most gracious pardon, we will not lift anchor. On Sunday last, the King’s messenger arrived with his Majesty’s gracious pardon, and that the Lords of the Admiralty and Privy Council had agreed to all we asked for. [The honest tar must mean, that the PRINCIPAL of their demands were granted, not ALL of them.] We immediately hoisted our bloody flag, and he thought we were going to hang him, he begged for mercy; he was told we were not going to hurt him, but honor him. He saw every ship, &c. cheer him three times, with the yard rigging mast-head, &c. manned in sight of thousands on shore. The whole country and houses were covered to see us, not knowing what we were going at; this done, we hauled down the flags, and gave the Keys to the captain; resigned the command of the ship; after being in our possession eight days; not one man killed, nor one bone broke, out of Twenty-two thousand men. During all our cheering, the Lord was on our side. We are all happy now, and more united ever, and our Officers praise us for our good conduct and spirit. The whole fleet is now at St. Helens, and we expect to sail the first fair wind. There were Ten thousand soldiers sent to Portsmouth to frighten us, but we were not such fools. The marine would have fought all the soldiers in the kingdom; we were prepared for them, and all our guns double shotted, and small arms ready; we kept three watches night and day, and kept a good look-out. All sort of trade was stopped at Portsmouth, and no gun boats allowed, and every letter that went and came opened. Every thing was carried on in as private a manner as possible. As our laws and regulations were very severe, it has been represented we are all in mutiny; no such thing; there was not a store-room in the fleet broke open, nor no ill treatment to any person whatever. The soldiers on shore laid down their arms. They declared we were doing what was right.
With the mutiny at Portsmouth finally resolved, summary articles started to appear reviewing the whole of the affair.
The Mutiny Reviewed, May 1797
In Chester Courant, Tuesday 23 May 1797.
THE LATE MUTINY AT PORTSMOUTH.
The following interesting particulars of the origin, progress, and termination of the late unfortunate mutiny on board the channel fleet, are given by an officer of rank board the Royal George:—
“In the month February last, petitions were sent from all the line of battle ships at Portsmouth to Lord Howe, but being all written by one person, and couched in the same language, it was presumed they were only productions of some factious or mad-brained individuals, who were too contemptible for notice; the petitions were therefore thrown aside and obtained no answer, which, on our return to port from the last cruise, occasioned a correspondence by letter to be kept up and passed from ship to ship, through the whole fleet, till at length it was unanimously agreed upon, that no ship should lift an anchor till a redress of grievances was obtained. In this state matters remained till the 15th ultimo, when Admiral Bridport ordered the signal for the fleet to prepare for sea; but, instead of weighing anchor, three cheers were given from the Queen Charlotte, as the signal of disaffection, which was in like manner followed by every ship in the fleet. The officers were thunderstruck, and tried various means to bring the men to a sense of their duty, but without effect.—The next day a boat from each ship was demanded, and two men from the crew of each were appointed delegates to represent the whole; Lord Howe’s cabin was deemed the most proper place for their deliberations. On the 17th, every man in the fleet was sworn to support the cause in which he had embarked; even the Admiral’s body-servants were not exempted from the oath. Our next procedure was the rearing ropes, in terrorem, the fore-yard arm, and turned all the officers out of the fleet who had behaved in tyrannical manner; thank God, we had but one of that description in our ship who was a master’s mate. the 18th, the Lords of the Admiralty arrived here, in the course of which, and two following days, several propositions were made by them to reduce the fleet to obedience, but ineffectually. On the 21st, Admirals Gardner, Colpoys and Pole, went on board the Queen Charlotte, in order to confer with the delegates, who had, in a great measure, become converts to the Admirals, but could not settle any thing, as the two delegates (from our ship the Royal George) were on shore at the printer’s, it being resolved that all our proceedings should be committed to this press.
On their return on board the Queen Charlotte, they informed the convention and the Admirals, that was the determination of the crew belonging to the Royal George to agree nothing that should not be sanctioned by Parliament, and guaranteed by the king’s proclamation; which so disappointed and irritated Admiral Gardner, that he seized one of the delegates by the collar, and swore he would have them all hanged, with every fifth man throughout the fleet. This act of intemperance so exasperated the crew against the gallant Admiral, that it was with the utmost difficulty he escaped from the ship with his life. The delegates from the Royal George now returned to their ship, and informed the crew of what had happened, who, after some consultation, resolved on summoning ail the delegates on board their ships which was done by hoisting the red or bloody flag which struck terror through the fleet (as the signal was not generally understood) and particularly to the officers, who trembled for the consequences, fearing that something dreadfully hostile was intended. It was at this moment that the much-valued and respected Lord Bridport’s flag was struck, with a resolution never to display it again, which drew tears from almost all the officers. The fleet next proceeded to load all their guns, ordered a watch to be kept the same as at sea, and put every thing in a state of defence, keeping every officer to his respective ship. This was a proper precaution, as the rashness of Admiral Gardner had so inflamed the minds of the men, that something very serious was apprehended. On the 22d the men were somewhat pacified, and caused two letters to be written, one to the Lords of the Admiralty, stating the cause of their conduct on the preceding day; the other to Lord Bridport, in which they stiled him their Father and Friend, and avowed no intentional offence to him. This had a good effect, for on the 23d, the Admiral returned to his ship and re-hoisted his flag, and after a short address to the crew, in which he told them the painful business of the last week would be the means of hurrying him shortly to his grave, he informed them that he had brought with him a redress to all their grievances, and his Majesty’s pardon for the offenders, which, after some deliberation were when every man returned to his duty.
As a consequence of the mutiny that would play out at the Nore, Parliament rushed through specific legislation to try to isolate those involved from any support.
An Act Against Incitement to Mutiny, June 1797
Statutes at Large, Anno tricefimo Septimo GEORGII III. Regis: Being the FIRST Seſſion of the Eighteenth Parliament of GREAT BRITAIN, 1797, pp.270-3.
Cap. LXX
AN Act for the better prevention and punishment of attempts to seduce persons serving in his Majeſty’s forces by ſea or land, from their duty and allegiance to his Majeſty, or to incite them to mutiny or disobedience.—[ June 6, 1797.]
WHEREAS divers wicked and evil diſpoſed perſons, by the publication of written or printed papers, and by malicious and adviſed ſpeaking, have of late industriously endeavoured to ſeduce perſons ſerving in his Majeſty’s forces by ſea and land from their duty and allegiance to his Majesty, and to incite them to mutiny and diſobedience: be it enacted by the King’s most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and conſent of the lords ſpiritual and temporal, and commons, in this preſent parliament aſſembled, and by the authority of the ſame, That, from and after the paſſing of this act, any person who ſhall maliciouſly and adviſedly endeavour to ſeduce any perſon or perſons ſerving in his Majeſty’s forces, by ſea or land, from his or their duty and allegiance to his Majeſty, or to incite or ſtir up any ſuch perſon or perſons to commit any act of mutiny, or to make or endeavour to make, any mutinous aſſembly, or to commit any traiterous or mutinous practiſe whatsoever, ſhall, on being legally convicted of ſuch offence, be adjudged guilty of felony, and ſhall ſuffer death as in caſes of felony without benefit of clergy.
II. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforeſaid, That any offence committed against this act, whether committed on the high ſeas or within that part of Great Britain called England, ſhall and may be proſecuted and tried before any court of oyer and terminer or gaol delivery for any county in that part of Great Britain called England, in ſuch manner and form as if the ſaid offence had been therein committed.
III. Provided always, and it is hereby declared and enacted, That any person who ſhall be tried and acquitted, or convicted of any offence against this act, ſhall not be liable to be indicted, proſecuted, or tried again for the ſame offence or fact, as high treaſon, or miſpriſion of high treaſon; and that nothing in this act contained ſhall be conſtrued to extend, to prevent any perſons guilty of any offence against this act, and who ſhall not be tried for the ſame as an offence against this act, from being tried for the ſame as high treaſon, or miſpriſion of high treaſon, in ſuch manner as if this act had not been made.
IV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That this act shall continue and be in force until the expiration of one month after the commencement of the next ſeſſion of parliament, and no longer.
CAP. LXXI.
An act for more effectually restraining intercourse with the crews of certain of his Majeſty’s ſhips now in a state of mutiny and rebellion, and for the more effectual ſuppreſſion of such mutiny and rebellion.—[June 6, 1797.]
WHEREAS the crews of certain of his Majeſty’s ſhips, notwithſtanding the repeated marks of his Majeſty’s gracious favour and condeſcenſion towards them, have perſiſted, and do still perſiſt, in a most dangerous and criminal mutiny, and in the commiſſion of divers acts of the most heinous and treasonable nature, against the crown and dignity of our ſovereign lord the King, and to the manifeſt danger of the safety of this realm, engaged in war againſt a foreign enemy: and whereas it is neceſſary that immediate proviſion ſhould be made for the ſuppreſſion and puniſhment of offences of so high and dangerous a nature, and for deterring all others from being guilty of ſimilar crimes in future: be it therefore enacted by the King’s most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and conſent of the lords ſpiritual and temporal, and commons, in this preſent parliament aſſembled, and by the authority of the ſame, That it ſhall and maybe lawful for the lord high admiral or commiffioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, or any three or more of them, being thereto authorised by order of his Majeſty in council, to declare the crew of any of his Majeſty’s ſhips who have been guilty of acts of mutiny and rebellion, and who ſtill perfiſt therein, and alſo the crew of any other of his Majesty’s ſhips who ſhall be guilty of any of the like offences, to be in a ſtate of mutiny and rebellion, and by ſuch declaration to warn all his Majeſty’s faithful ſubjects to abſtain from all communication or intercourse with the crews of the ſaid ſhips; and ſuch declaration ſhall forthwith be published in the London Gazette, and ſhall alſo (as ſoon as the fame can conveniently be done) be proclaimed in his Majesty’s dock yards.
II. And be it enacted, That, from and after the date of ſuch publication in The London Gazette, it ſhall not be lawful for any of his Majesty’s liege ſubjects, or others refiding or being within this realm, to have any communication or intercourse, whether perſonally or by letter, meſſage, or otherwise, with the crew of any ſhip ſo declared to be in a ſtate of mutiny and rebellion, or with any perſons or perſon being part of ſuch crew, or with any perſon who ſhall remain on board the ſaid ſhip, after the day on which ſuch declaration ſhall have been ſo publiſhed in The London Gazette as aforeſaid, or in any manner to ſupply, aid, comfort, or aſſiſt the ſaid crew, or any perſons or perſon being part thereof, or any perſon ſo remaining on board the ſaid ſhip.
III. And be it enacted, That any perſon who, after the date of ſuch publication as aforesaid, ſhall wilfully and adviſedly have any ſuch communication or intercourse with ſuch crew, or with any perſons or perſon being part thereof, or with any perſon ſo remaining on board any ſuch ſhip as aforesaid, or in any manner ſupply, aid, comfort, or aſſiſt ſuch crew, or any perſons or perſon being part thereof, or any perſons or perſon ſo remaining on board the faid ſhip, ſhall, on conviction thereof, be adjudged guilty of felony, and ſhall fuffer death, as in caſes of felony without benefit of clergy.
IV. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the date of ſuch publication as aforesaid, all wages and other allowances payable to the ſaid crew, or any of them, ſhall ceaſe and determine, and be no longer payable, and they ſhall reſpectively from thenceforth forfeit and loſe all wages and other allowances, and all ſhares of prizes then due to them reſpectively, and all benefits or advantages to which they might otherwise be entitled from Greenwich hoſpital or the cheſt at Chatham, and all other benefits and advantages whatſoever, to which they might be otherwiſe entitled in conſequence of their having ſerved as ſeamen or marines on board any of his Majeſty’s ſhips; and that all perſons voluntarily remaining on board any of the ſaid ſhips, after having had knowledge of ſuch declaration, ſhall be adjudged guilty of piracy and felony, and ſhall ſuffer ſuch pains of death and loſs of lands, goods, and chattels, as any pirates or felons by virtue of an act, made in the eleventh year of King William the Third, intituled, An act for the more effectual ſuppreſſion of piracy, or any other act, ought to ſuffer.
V. Provided always, That nothing in this act ſhall be conſtrued to extend to ſuch communication or intercourſe as may be carried on with the ſaid crews, or any perſons remaining on board the ſaid ſhips as aforesaid, by the lord high admiral, or the commiſſioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, or any three or more of them, or by their order or authority, or by the order or authority of ſuch perſons or perſon, as may be authoriſed by them to grant permiſſion or to give directions in that behalf.
VI. Provided always, and be it further enacted, That it ſhall be lawful for the lord high admiral, or commiſſioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, or any three or more of them, in ſuch manner as his Majeſty ſhall authorife and require, to accept the ſubmiſſion of the crew of any ſhip which ſhall have been ſo declared to be in a ſtate of mutiny and rebellion, or of any perſon or perfons, part of ſuch crew, or of any perſon or perſons on board of any of ſuch ſhips, or to declare any ſuch perſon or perſons to have returned to their duty, and thereupon to declare the perſons or perſon whoſe ſubmiſſion ſhall be ſo accepted, or who ſhall be ſo declared to have returned to their duty, to be exempted and relieved from all or any of the penalties and forfeitures in this act contained, in ſuch manner, and under ſuch terms and reſtrictions as his Majesty ſhall think fit; and from and after ſuch declaration, nothing in this act contained ſhall extend to prevent any ſuch intercourſe or communication as aforesaid, with any perſons or perſon to whom ſuch declaration ſhall apply.
VII. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That any offence committed against this act, whether committed on the high ſeas or within that part of Great Britain called England, ſhall and may be proſecuted and tried before any court of oyer and terminer or gaol delivery for any county in that part of Great Britain called England, in ſuch manner and form as if the ſaid offence had been therein committed.
VIII. Provided always, and it is hereby declared and enacted, That any perſon who ſhall be tried and acquitted, or convicted of any offence against this act, ſhall not be liable to be indicted, proſecuted, or tried again for the ſame offence or fact, as high treaſon, or miſpriſion of high treaſon; and that nothing in this act contained ſhall be conſtrued to extend, to prevent any perſons guilty of any offence against this act, and who ſhall not be tried for the ſame as an offence against this act, from being tried for the ſame as high treaſon, or miſprifion of high treaſon, in ſuch manner as if this act had not been made.
IX. And be it enacted, That this act ſhall be in force until the expiration of one month after the commencement of the next ſeſſion of parliament, and no longer.
X. Provided alſo, and be it further enacted, That it ſhall be lawful to amend or alter this act, or any part thereof, during the preſent ſeſſion of parliament.
A review of the mutiny suggests some clarification of the extent to which the Crown could intercede in matters determined by the Naval courts was required.
On granting conditional pardons, July 1797
In Norfolk Chronicle, Saturday 22 July 1797.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Thursday, July 13. Mr. Percival brought in a Bill to enable his Majesty to grant a conditional pardon, and to regulate the imprisonment of persons, under the sentence of Naval Courts Martial, which was read a first time.
The Farmer’s Bill; unlawful Oaths Bill; and the Base Coin Bill, were read a third time, and passed.
Parliament also took more general measures to disrupt the organisation of mutinous activities by introducing a law that clarified the illegal nature of swearing “unlawful oaths”. This legislation would later be used against the Luddites in 1812, and the Tolpuddle Martyrs in 1834.
The Attorney General requests leave to introduce a bill, July 1797
In Norfolk Chronicle, Saturday 15 July 1797.
House of Commons.
The Attorney General moved for leave to bring in a bill for more effectually preventing the administering of unlawful oaths, (alluding to such as had been lately used by the mutineers, &c.) which, after few words from Mr. Huffey, Mr. Nicholl, and Mr. Pitt, was granted.
Introducing a Bill against the administration of illegal oaths, July 1797
In Belfast News-Letter, Friday 14 July 1797.
ILLEGAL OATHS.
The Attorney-General, in consequence of the notice he had given yesterday, rose for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the administration of unlawful oaths. — From the notoriety of recent events, which deluded a great body of the forces of his Majesty from their duty and allegiance, and endangered the safety and tranquillity of his kingdoms, the instances of administering illegal oaths were of late so frequent, as to require no particular explanation. He doubted whether the greater part of the community knew the criminal nature of such proceedings, and therefore he thought it a wise and honourable act of the Legislature to point out the law of the country, and warn the ignorant of the consequences of breaking it. There was a law already in force, which provided a punishment for such people as are found guilty of making use of an illegal oath, to convert it to the worst of purposes, and prevent the possibility of bringing evidence against a man guilty of the most dangerous acts. To explain the penalties of that act was the object of his bill, which he considered would be a wise provision in regard to the public, and a humane one in regard to the offending parties. After this, it was his intention to bring in a bill, if leave should be given, to increase the punishments, in future; for, by too great a tenderness of measures, the security of the country was exposed.
Mr. Hussey hoped to have heard the Learned Gentleman state what the law at present was.
The Attorney-General said in explanation, that if any persons combined for illegal measures, and administered unlawful oaths for the abetting of such purposes, or to prevent the influence of evidence against them, they were guilty by the law, as it new stood, of a high misdemeanor.
Mr. Nicholl said, if there was any general doubt of the existence or efficiency of the law as it now stood, the bill might be necessary; but as he knew of no such doubt, he could not see the least occasion for it.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, that one point of the bill proposed was to apprise mankind of the danger of the offence; and another to prevent, by heavier penalties, the commission of those crimes for which the law was not sufficient now. For he should think his Honourable and Learned Friend stopped far short of his duty, if he did not afterwards endeavour to increase the punishment, and abridge the trial, since the trial of misdemeanor was attended with embarrassment and delay, and the crime tended to subvert every civil, religious, and military establishment. He hoped, therefore, that the Session would not terminate, after the fatal examples they had beheld of tne spreading mischief and increasing danger, without applying a remedy.—Leave was given, and the Bill was soon after brought in by the Solicitor General, and read a first tiwe, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday.
The Attorney General’s position in more detail, July 1797
In Ipswich Journal, Saturday 15 July 1797.
The Attorney General rose, in conformity to notice, to state the outlines of the bill for preventing the administering of unlawful oaths. Of the magnitude, necessity, policy, and, he would add, humanity, of a measure, calculated to disseminate generally the maxims of the Common Law on this subject, through the commanding and salutary medium of a statute, he did not suppose any Gentleman who heard him was ignorant. The evils arising only from the practice of administering oaths by persons obviously hostile to his Majesty’s government, who conspire to subvert the Constituted Authorities of the country, it was impossible for him to describe. The practice was become general; and the Legislature could not too speedily interpose. After expatiating on the enormity of the act, and the mischief it was calculated to produce, he concluded by moving for leave to bring in a bill to prevent persons from administering Unlawful Oaths. Mr. Nichols said, he did not see the necessity for extending the law on this subject. It was, in his opinion, adequate to the punishment of the offence as it now stood. If it was intended to increase the punishment, he thought it a measure replete with mischief. Mr. Pitt expressed his approbation of the measure. He not only wished to apprize mankind of the law, but also of the punishment, and to know the necessity of checking and subduing that spirit of disaffection, which oaths of confraternity and treason against the state nourished and brought to maturity. The practice of taking oaths, was one of the engines used to destroy our liberties, to traduce our religion, and to subvert and destroy the wholesome institution of our laws. The motion was agreed to, and the bill afterwards brought in.
The Attorney General and Chancellor act as a tag team, July 1797
In Hull Advertiser, Saturday 15 July 1797.
…
The Attorney General now rose to move for leave to bring in bill for more effectually preventing the administering unlawful oaths. The offence had of late been so frequent, and had been attended with such dangerous and fatal consequences, that he would not detain the time and leisure of the House in adducing any reasons for the introduction of the measure he intended to propose: to him it appeared a mild and merciful measure to declare and promulgate what was the law of the land respecting this offence;— an offence, which lately perverted to the worst of purposes what was originally intended to express the most solemn and sacred obligations. The nature of the offence it was his intention to explain, in order to warn the public against incurring the penalties annexed to it; and this he would state the language of the statute. He then concluded, by moving for leave to bring in a bill for more effectually preventing the administering of unlawful oaths, &c.
Mr. Hussey said, it was not his intention to the introduction of the bill, but he wished the law to have been stated as it now stood.
The Attorney General thought he had explained himself sufficiently in this preliminary state of the business. He had only to add, that if any man, or any set of men, combined and conspired together for the obtaining of illegal measures, and bound themselves by oaths or obligations for the attainment of such measures, or did not give evidence against such persons they knew had bound themselves to such obligations for the accomplishment of such objects, they were guilty of very high misdemeanour.
Mr. Nicholls could not see the necessity of any new act, to declare the existing law.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought it extremely necessary that a statute should distinctly mark the illegality of the practices alluded to, and apprize every subject of the penalties and degree of punishment to which such offences might expose him.—This was not now sufficiently known—and he believed it to be the intention of his learned friend (the Attorney General) to make it a separate matter of consideration, what additional punishment should be enacted, in order to prevent the repetition of such practices.—Whoever duly reflected on this subject, must have seen how necessary it was to increase the measure of punishment, and to abridge the mode of trial for offences, by which was forged one of the principal engines that went to overturn the religious, civil, and military establishments, on which depended the safety of the country. Regarding such offences, it was useless to declare the existing laws, unless a remedy was applied adequate to the nature and malignity of the offence, which might prove a pregnant source of such difficulty and danger to the public; in the trial and punishment of such offences, no delay should be suffered to intervene; and he would be sorry to give his assent to a measure which, on this head, would be merely declaratory of the common law, unless at the same time it enforced the inflicting of a speedy and adequate punishment.
Leave was then given to bring in the bill, which was afterwards brought in by the Attorney General, read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday.
Unlawful Oaths Bill, Third Reading, July 1797
In Derby Mercury, Thursday 20 July 1797.
HOUSE or COMMONS,—Thursday, July 13. … The unlawful oaths Bill was read a third time, and passed.
An act for more effectually preventing the administering or taking of unlawful oaths, July 1797
Statutes at Large, Anno triceſimo Septimo GEORGII III. Regis: Being the FIRST Seſſion of the Eighteenth Parliament of GREAT BRITAIN, 1797, pp459-61.
CAP. CXXIII
An act for more effectually preventing the administering or taking of unlawful oaths.— [July 19, 1797]
WHHEREAS divers wicked and evil-diſpoſed perſons have of late attempted to seduce perſons ſerving in his Majesty’s forces by ſea and land, and others of his Majeſty’s ſubjects, from their duty and allegiance to his Majeſty, and to incite them to acts of mutiny and ſedition, and have endeavoured to give effect to their wicked and traiterous proceedings, by impoſing upon the persons whom they have attempted to ſeduce the pretended obligation of oaths unlawfully adminiſtered: be it enacted by the King’s most excellent majeſty, by and with the advice and conſent of the lords ſpiritual and temporal, and commons, in this preſent parliament aſſembled, and by the authority of the ſame, That any perſon or perſons who ſhall, in any manner or form whatsoever, adminiſter, or cauſe to be adminiſtered, or be aiding or aſſiſting at, or preſent at and conſenting to, the adminiftering or taking of any oath or engagement, purporting or intended to bind the perſon taking the ſame to engage in any mutinous or ſeditious purpoſe; or to disturb the publick peace; or to be of any aſſociation, ſociety, or confederacy, formed for any fuch purpoſe; or to obey the orders or commands of any committee or body of men not lawfully conſtituted; or of any leader or commander, or other perſon not having authority by law for that purpoſe; or not to inform or give evidence against any aſſociate, confederate, or other perſon; or not to reveal or discover any unlawful combination or confederacy; or not to reveal or diſcover any illegal act done or to be done; or not to reveal or diſcover any illegal oath or engagement which may have been adminiſtered or tendered to or taken by ſuch perſon or perſons, or to or by any other perfon or perſons, or the import of any ſuch oath or engagement; ſhall, on conviction thereof by due courſe of law, be adjudged guilty of felony, and may be tranſported for any term of years not exceeding ſeven years; and every perſon who ſhall take any ſuch oath or engagement, not being compelled thereto, ſhall, on conviction thereof by due courſe of law, be adjudged guilty of felony, and may be tranſported for any term of years not exceeding ſeven years.
II. Provided always, and be it further enacted, That compulſion ſhall not juſtify or excuſe any perſon taking ſuch oath or engagement, unleſs he or ſhe ſhall, within four days after the taking thereof, if not prevented by actual force or ſickneſs, and then within four days after the hindrance produced by ſuch force or ſickneſs ſhall ceaſe, declare the ſame, together with the whole of what he or ſhe ſhall know touching the ſame, and the perſon or perſons by whom, and in whoſe preſence, and when and where, ſuch oath or engagement was adminiſtered or taken, by information on oath before one of his Majesty’s juſtices of the peace, or one of his Majesty’s principal ſecretaries of ſtate, or his Majeſty’s privy council; or, in caſe the perſon taking ſuch oath or engagement ſhall be in actual ſervice in his Majesty’s forces by ſea or land, then by ſuch information on oath as aforeſaid, or by information to his commanding officer.
III. And be it further enacted, That perſons aiding and aſſiſting at, or preſent at and conſenting to, the adminiſtering or taking of any ſuch oath or engagement as aforesaid, and perſons cauſing any ſuch oath or engagement to be adminiſtered or taken, though not preſent at the adminiſtering or taking thereof, ſhall be deemed principal offenders, and ſhall be tried as ſuch, although the perſons or perſon who actually adminiſtered ſuch oath or engagement, if any such there ſhall be, ſhall not have been tried or convicted.
IV. And be it further enacted, That it ſhall not be neceſſary, in any indictment against any perſon or perſons adminiſtering, or cauſing to be adminiſtered or taken, or taking any ſuch oath or engagement as aforesaid, or aiding or aſſiſting at, or preſent at and conſenting to the adminiſtering or taking thereof, to ſet forth the words of ſuch oath or engagement; and that it ſhall be ſufficient to ſet forth the purport of ſuch oath or engagement, or ſome material part thereof.
V. Provided always, and be it further enacted, That any engagement or obligation whatsoever, in the nature of an oath, ſhall be deemed an oath within the intent and meaning of this act, in whatever form or manner the ſame ſhall be adminiſtered or taken; and whether the ſame ſhall be actually adminiſtered by any perſon or perſons to any other perſon or perfons, or taken by any perſon or perſons without any adminiſtration thereof by any other perſon or perſons.
VI. Provided alſo, and be further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That any offence committed against this act on the high ſeas, or out of this realm, or within that part of Great Britain called England, ſhall and may be proſecuted, tried, and determined, before any court of oyer and terminer or gaol delivery, for any county in that part of Great Britain called England, in ſuch manner and form as if ſuch offence had been therein committed; and if committed in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, ſhall and may be proſecuted, tried, and determined, either before the juſticiary court at Edinburgh, or in any of the circuit courts in that part of the united kingdom.
VII. Provided alſo, and it is hereby declared, That any perſon under this act, who ſhall be tried, and acquittted or convicted of any offence against this act, ſhall not be liable to be indicted, proſecuted, or tried again, for the ſame offence or fact, sas high treaſon; and that nothing in this act contained ſhall be conſtrued to extend to prevent any perſon guilty of any offence against this act, and who ſhall not be tried for the ſame as an offence against this act, from being tried for the ſame as high treaſon, or miſpriſion of high treaſon, in ſuch manner as if this act had not been made.